
The formation of the Samajwadi Party government in Uttar Pradesh has raised hopes of a durable National Secular Alliance. It has also regenerated hopes for a fair and just deal for the Muslim community, in a state of siege since the Gujarat genocide of 2002.
Muslim organisations like the All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat and the All India Milli Council had endorsed some BSP candidates in the 2002 assembly election on the assurance the BSP would not enter into a coalition with the BJP. But those assurances proved false. Today, the Muslim choice in Uttar Pradesh is largely the Samajwadi Party, other than in seats where the Congress is relevant.
Uttar Pradesh has the biggest Muslim population of all states. According to the 1991 Census, 28 per cent of Muslim Indians live here, 16 per cent of the state population. Some 30 Lok Sabha constituencies have over 20 per cent Muslim voters.
Uttar Pradesh is the seat of the Indo-Islamic heritage and cradle of composite culture. Unfortunately, it is also the womb for Hindu and Muslim communalism. It is in here that secular forces have to build the defences of the Secular Order.
Mulayam8217;s first major task is at hand. The VHP is planning its campaign on October 17 and the Shiv Sena its national conference on October 11, both in Ayodhya. Mulayam has no option. He has no constitutional authority to influence the proceedings of the Special Bench, hand over the acquired land in Ayodhya to the VHP or legislate the Babri Masjid site into the site of the proposed Ram Mandir.
Despite their shadow-boxing, both the BJP and the VHP will try their utmost to queer the pitch for him. He has to order the district administration to be firm. He should appeal to the VHP for restraint but iterate that on a question that is subjudice, there should be no agitation, certainly no lawlessness and no violation of the status quo.
Mulayam should also put a stop to the musical chairs of postings and transfers. This has demoralised Uttar Pradesh8217;s bureaucracy. Postings to sensitive districts should have a composite Hindu-Muslim team as DM and SP. Similarly, every thana should be manned by a mix of castes and communities.
Urdu, the second official language of Uttar Pradesh, deserves attention. Apart from public purposes, specified in the law, Urdu communication from the people should receive prompt replies in Urdu. This would mean that in the secretariat, as well as in government offices down the line, posts of Urdu-Hindi translators and Urdu typists should be created. Officers should be offered incentives for learning Urdu.
The SP government should set up a State Backward Classes Commission to assess the level of backwardness of every identifiable social group. It should determine its reservation quota on the basis of population and level of backwardness. It does not matter if the total of the sub-quotas exceeds 50 per cent.
This procedure should apply separately to each and every social group, now aggregated under the terms OBCs and SCs. No social group should be denied the benefit of reservation.
Mulayam should extend reservation to higher and specially professional education. These steps will initiate a second Mandalisation. But the benefit of reservation should be strictly limited to families whose per capita income is below the state per capita income.
Coming to Muslim grievances, the Religious Places Building Bill, which has been frozen, should be formally repealed. The Wakf Board, the Haj Committee, the Urdu Academy and the Minorities Commission should be reconstituted. These should not be sinecures for party sympathisers but effective institutions.
Neither Yadavs nor Muslims 8212; the two social groups that have traditionally supported Mulayam 8212; should receive more than their due in terms of discretionary appointments. Above all, the new government should work to raise Uttar Pradesh from the depth to which it has sunk, measured by any economic, social or administrative parameter. This will help all castes, all communities.