Wide Angle

What, exactly, did this official, a reasonable man otherwise, want? Switch off all channels, shut out all media which provide a window on Pakistan? This, clearly, is an absurd proposition. But the official8217;s agitation, the convulsions in which he seemed to be, are actually a function of there being no coherent media policy consistent with the communications explosion, when it comes to issues impinging on foreign affairs and national security.

The official can hardly be blamed. Since Independence, coverage of foreign affairs in India has actually been coverage of the foreign office. Since most prime ministers took a direct interest in foreign affairs and the defence ministry was clearly a part of the national security apparatus, South Block became a composite beat. Until Indira Gandhi8217;s second coming, when her own personal security became an issue, the joint secretary, external publicity the official spokesman occupied a room locatedexactly between the PMO and the foreign office.

There were several advantages in this. Journalists on the South Block beat could begin their mornings in the defence ministry, wind their way through the corridors to the ministry of external affairs by lunch time and be knocking at doors of the PMO for evening tea. Alert journalists, who could be trusted, were taken into confidence by numerous officials in the course of the slow walk beginning at the defence ministry, terminating at the PMO.

In between, reporters dropped by at the JSXP8217;s strategically located room. He seemed to be on top of all information and could, at will, invite officials from the PMO, the foreign secretary and other senior officials, for special briefings. Likewise, he could send reporters with different queries to the relevant officials.

This system worked well until several things happened: largely considerations of the PM8217;s security caused the JSXP to be transferred to Shastri Bhavan; militancy in the neighbourhood broughtinto the national security apparatus the home ministry as a major player; economic liberalisation brought into high profile all the economic ministries the new buzzword was economic diplomacy and coverage of foreign affairs became impossible without referring regularly to bodies like the CII and FICCI.

Then something even more important happened. The communications explosion coincided with the end of the cold war. The media with its unprecedented reach was enlisted as an instrument for change by the authors of the New World Order. Some truths have to be repeated until they make a dent. In March 1992 the Gulf war ended. In April that year the BBC World Service TV was launched. The New World Order, globalisation, had to be given direction.

Globalisation is not something we are likely to be able to escape. To that extent there is an inevitability about the future. Globalisation cannot be avoided; it can be shaped. We can prepare ourselves for it.

A mature response does not entail that we start mutteringexpletives under our breath every time the West8217;s ever more energetic media provides Gen. Musharraf with a quot;forumquot;. What we consider a quot;forumquot; being made available to a Pakistani may, in essence, be a valid story, even a scoop for others.

The reach of the Anglo-American media, its capacity to influence world affairs, is a matter of serious concern to many societies: Germany, France, Japan, China. Neither France nor China, for example, can set up a global TV and radio network in the English language. We can, sometimes more competently than those whose sole language English is. What we need is an international news network, enlisting the talents of the great Indian diaspora as well. If such a network for TV and radio were in place, we would have covered the recent hijack more competently and my friend, the official, would not be wringing his hands simply because CNN did an interview.