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This is an archive article published on October 29, 2022

UPSC Essentials: Weekly news express with MCQs — UNEP’s Emissions Gap Report to Xi Jinping’s Congress and more

The Indian Express’ UPSC weekly news express covers some of the important and burning topics of current affairs news from this week to help you prepare for UPSC-CSE. Try out the MCQs and check your answers provided towards the end of the article.

UPSC, UPSC CURRENT AFFAIRS, WEEKLY NEWS FOR UPSC, UPSC WEEKLY NEWS EXPRESS. WEEKLY CURRENT AFFAIRS, UPSC CSE PRELIMS 2023, UPSC CSE MAINS 2022, SARKARI NAUKRI, GOVERNMENT JOBS, UPSC NEWS, CURRENT AFFAIRS TODAY, UPSC ESSENTIALS,CIVIL, IAS CURRENT AFFAIRSEssential weekly news categorised as per UPSC syllabus. (pexels image)

The Indian Express’ UPSC weekly news express covers some of the most important topics of current affairs news from this week to help you prepare for UPSC-CSE. Try out the MCQs, Points to ponder and check your answers provided towards the end of the article.

Emissions Gap Report 2022

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: General issues on Environmental ecology, Bio-diversity and Climate Change – that do not require subject specialization.

Mains Examination: General Studies III: Conservation, environmental pollution and degradation, environmental impact assessment.

Why in news?

—The UNEP report released on Thursday, titled ‘Emissions Gap Report 2022: The Closing Window — Climate Crisis Calls For Rapid Transformation of Societies’, has found that in India and six other top emitters, emissions have rebounded and increased after the pandemic.

Key takeaways

—The report is the 13th edition in an annual series that provides an overview of the difference between where greenhouse emissions are predicted to be in 2030 and where they should be to avert the worst impacts of climate change. The report provides an update on global emissions pathways and progress towards achieving national mitigation pledges and the Paris Agreement goals, as well as the resulting “emissions gap.”

—Ahead of the 2022 United Nations Climate Change Conference, also known as COP27, scheduled to take place in the Egyptian city of Sharm El Sheikh next month, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) said on Thursday that the world is falling short of the goals set forth in the Paris Climate Agreement adopted in 2015, and that no credible pathway is currently in place to restrict global warming to under 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels.

—The Paris Agreement defined 2°C above pre-industrial levels as the global warming limit, which if breached, can lead to extreme weather events such as extreme heat waves, droughts, water stress and others that can significantly impact lives. The UNEP report says that unless unprecedented action is taken, global warming is on course to breach this mark.

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—The top seven emitters (China, the EU27, India, Indonesia, Brazil, the Russian Federation and the United States of America) plus international transport accounted for 55 per cent of global GHG (greenhouse gas) emissions in 2020. Collectively, G20 members are responsible for 75 per cent of global GHG emissions.

—The global average per capita GHG emissions was 6.3 tonnes of CO2 equivalent (tCO2e) in 2020. The US remains far above this level at 14 tCO2e, followed by Russia at 13 tCO2e, China at 9.7 tCO2e, Brazil and Indonesia at about 7.5 tCO2e, and the European Union at 7.2 tCO2e.

—India remains far below the world average at 2.4 tCO2e. “For most major emitters, including China, India, the Russian Federation, Brazil and Indonesia, GHG emissions (excluding land use and forestry sectors) rebounded in 2021, exceeding pre-pandemic 2019 levels,” the report said.

— UNEP said that the G20 countries have just started to work on meeting their new targets, and collectively, are expected to fall short of their promises for 2030. “Policies currently in place, without further strengthening, suggest a 2.8°C hike… To get on track to meet the Paris Agreement goal, the world needs to reduce greenhouse gases by unprecedented levels over the next eight years,” the UNEP said.

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—The current policies will lead to a 2.8°C temperature rise by 2100. Implementation of current climate pledges will only reduce this to a 2.4 to 2.6°C temperature rise by the end of this century.

— GHG emissions must be reduced by 45 percent by 2030 to achieve the Paris Agreement goals. However, the report shows that the emissions are at dangerous and record-high levels and are still rising.

—The report recommends actions in specific six sectors like electricity supply, industry, transport and building sectors, and food and financial systems. It also tells that the global transformation to a low-carbon economy would require 4 to 6 trillion USD in investment each year.

(source: Emissions in India, 6 other nations top pre-Covid levels by Esha Roy)

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Point to ponder: The upcoming UNFCCC meet must address equity related issues, especially on climate financing. Do you agree?

1. MCQ:

With respect to Emissions Gap Report 2022 consider the following statements

1. The top seven emitters (China, the EU27, India, Indonesia, Brazil, the Russian Federation and the United States of America) plus international transport accounted for 55 per cent of global GHG (greenhouse gas) emissions in 2020. 

2. The report recommends actions in specific six sectors like electricity supply, industry, transport and building sectors, and food and financial systems.

Which of the following statements are not true?

a) Only 1                             b) Only 2

c) Both 1 and 2                  d) Neither 1 nor 2

 

Rajnath vows to reach Gilgit-Baltistan

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: History of India

Mains Examination: 

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• General Studies I: Post-independence consolidation and reorganization within the country.

• General Studies II: India and its neighborhood- relations.

Why in news?

 Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Thursday (October 27) said India had “only just begun walking north”, and the journey would end when “we…reach the remaining parts (of PoK), Gilgit and Baltistan”. This, he said, would “implement the resolution passed unanimously by India’s Parliament on February 22, 1994”.

Key takeaways

 Gilgit-Baltistan or G-B is the northernmost territory administered by Pakistan, providing the country’s only territorial frontier, and thus a land route, with China, where it meets the Xinjiang Autonomous Region. To G-B’s west is Afghanistan, to its south is Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, and to the east, the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.

As far as India is concerned, G-B is Indian territory, part of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir that acceded to India in full after Independence, and which has been under illegal Pakistani occupation.

Where is Gilgit-Baltistan located?

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 Gilgit-Baltistan or G-B is the northernmost territory administered by Pakistan, providing the country’s only territorial frontier, and thus a land route, with China, where it meets the Xinjiang Autonomous Region. To G-B’s west is Afghanistan, to its south is Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, and to the east, the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.

As far as India is concerned, G-B is Indian territory, part of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir that acceded to India in full after Independence, and which has been under illegal Pakistani occupation.

What is the history of Gilgit-Baltistan region?

 Gilgit was part of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, but it was ruled directly by the British, who had taken it on lease in 1935 from Hari Singh, the Hindu ruler of the Muslim-majority state.

On October 22, 1947, with Hari Singh dithering on accession to India, Pashtun tribal militiamen along with Pakistani forces poured into the Kashmir Valley and marched towards Srinagar in accordance with a plan known as Operation Gulmarg. On the way, the lashkars engaged in massive plunder and looting in Baramulla.

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Seeing the writing on the wall, Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession with India on October 26, 1947. The Indian Army then landed in the Kashmir Valley and began an operation to push back the Pakistani invaders.

But what was happening in Gilgit?

In Gilgit meanwhile, a rebellion had broken out against Hari Singh. On November 1, a local political outfit called Revolutionary Council of Gilgit-Baltistan proclaimed the independent state of Gilgit-Baltistan.

On November 15, this group declared that it was acceding to Pakistan, which accepted the accession and announced that the region would be governed under the Frontier Crimes Regulation, a law that the British had promulgated to keep control over the restive tribal areas of the Northwest of Empire.

The British had raised a small force called the Gilgit Scouts in the region. Its job was to guard Gilgit, ostensibly on behalf of the Maharaja, but its real purpose was to help the British administer the Gilgit Agency, which lay on the frontier of what was then the Soviet-British Great Game territory.

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In August 1947, after the British returned Gilgit to Hari Singh, the Maharaja sent his representative, Brigadier Ghansar Singh, as Governor of Gilgit. But the Gilgit Scouts, who were led by a British Major named William Alexander Brown, rose in rebellion.

On November 1, 1947, Maj. Brown took Governor Ghansar Singh into protective custody, and raised the Pakistani flag at his headquarters. The Gilgit Scouts then moved to take over Baltistan, which was part of Ladakh at the time, and captured Skardu, Kargil, and Dras. Indian forces, however, took back Kargil and Dras in August 1948.

Following the India-Pakistan ceasefire of January 1, 1949, Pakistan in April that year entered into an agreement with the “provisional government” of the so-called “Azad Jammu & Kashmir” — parts that had been occupied by Pakistani troops and irregulars — to take over its defence and foreign affairs. Under this agreement, the so-called “AJK” government also ceded administration of Gilgit-Baltistan to Pakistan.

What is Gilgit-Baltistann’s current status?

Though Pakistan, like India, links G-B’s fate to that of Kashmir, its administrative arrangements are different from those in PoK. While PoK has its own Constitution that sets out its powers and their limits vis-à-vis Pakistan, G-B has been ruled mostly by executive fiat. Until 2009, the region was simply called Northern Areas.

It got its present name only with the Gilgit-Baltistan (Empowerment and Self-Governance) Order, 2009, which replaced the Northern Areas Legislative Council (NALC) with the Legislative Assembly. The NALC was an elected body, but had no more than an advisory role to the Minister for Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas, who ruled from Islamabad. The Legislative Assembly is only a slight improvement. It has 24 directly elected members and nine nominated ones.

In 2018, the then PML(N) government passed an order centralising even the limited powers granted to the Assembly, a move linked to the need for greater control over land and other resources for the infrastructure projects then being planned under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

The order was challenged, and in 2019, the Pakistan Supreme Court repealed it and asked the Imran Khan government to replace it with governance reforms. This was not done. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court extended its jurisdiction to G-B, and made arrangements for a caretaker government until the next Legislative Assembly elections.

The last polls were held in July 2015, and the Assembly’s five-term ended in July 2020. Fresh elections could not be held because of the pandemic.

On November 1, 2020, then Prime Minister Imran Khan announced that his government would give the region “provisional provincial status”. That has not yet happened — if and when that happens, G-B will become the fifth province of Pakistan.

How does India see these developments?

India’s position has been clear and consistent — that the entire former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir belongs to India. India has objected to the plan to make G-B a province of Pakistan and has asserted on several occasions in the recent past that it would take control of G-B.

On March 11, 2020, the government told Parliament that India’s “consistent and principled position, as also enunciated in the Parliament resolution adopted unanimously by both Houses on 22 February 1994, is that the entire Union Territories of Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh have been, are and shall be an integral part of India”.
It said that the “Government monitors all developments taking place in the territories of India including in territories that are under illegal and forcible occupation of Pakistan.”

What do the people in Gilgit-Baltistan want?

The people of G-B have been demanding for years that it be made a part of Pakistan, so that they get the same constitutional rights that Pakistanis have.

These people are physically and culturally far removed from India, and have very little connect with India. Some have in the past demanded a merger with PoK, but the people of G-B have no real connect with Kashmir either. They belong to several non-Kashmiri ethnicities, and speak various languages, none of these Kashmiri.

A majority of the estimated 1.5 million G-B residents are Shias. There is anger against Pakistan for unleashing extremist sectarian militant groups that target Shias, and for dictating over the use of their natural resources, but the predominant sentiment is that all this will improve once they are part of the Pakistani federation. There is a small movement for independence, but it has very little traction.

Point to ponder: Terror exported by neighbours is one of the biggest threats to India. How?

2. MCQ:

What is the correct chronological order with respect to relations between India and Pakistan?

1. Simla Agreement
2. Dixon Plan
3. Operation Gibraltar
a) 2, 3, 1                                         b) 3, 1, 2
c) 1, 3, 2                                         d) 3, 2, 1

 

GM mustard

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: General issues on Environmental ecology, Bio-diversity and Climate Change – that do not require subject specialization.

Mains Examination: General Studies III: Conservation, environmental pollution and degradation, environmental impact assessment.

Why in news?

On October 18, the Genetic Engineering Appraisal Committee (GEAC) under the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change recommended the “environmental release” of the transgenic hybrid mustard DMH-11 for seed productionand conduct of field demonstration studies with respect to its effects, if any, on honey bees and other pollinating insects.

Key takeaways

What exactly is hybrid mustard?

 Hybridisation involves crossing two genetically dissimilar plant varieties that can even be from the same species. The first-generation (F1) offspring from such crosses tend to have higher yields than what either parent can individually give.

Such hybridisation isn’t easy in mustard, as its flowers have both female (pistil) and male (stamen) reproductive organs, making the plants largely self-pollinating. Since the eggs of one plant cannot be fertilised by the pollen grains from another, it limits the scope for developing hybrids — unlike in cotton, maize or tomato, where this can be done through simple emasculation or physical removal of anthers.

So, how has hybridisation been achieved in mustard?

By genetic modification (GM). Scientists at Delhi University’s Centre for Genetic Manipulation of Crop Plants (CGMCP) have developed the hybrid mustard DMH-11 containing two alien genes isolated from a soil bacterium called Bacillus amyloliquefaciens.

The first gene (‘barnase’) codes for a protein that impairs pollen production and renders the plant into which it is incorporated male-sterile. This plant is then crossed with a fertile parental line containing, in turn, the second ‘barstar’ gene that blocks the action of the barnase gene. The resultant F1 progeny is both high-yielding and also capable of producing seed/ grain, thanks to the barstar gene in the second fertile line.

The CGMCP scientists have deployed the barnase-barstar GM technology to create what they say is a robust and viable hybridisation system in mustard. This system was used to develop DMH-11 by crossing a popular Indian mustard variety ‘Varuna’ (the barnase line) with an East European ‘Early Heera-2’ mutant (barstar). DMH-11 is claimed to have shown an average 28% yield increase over Varuna in contained field trials carried out by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR).

What are GEAC’s new recommendations?

GEAC is a body responsible for the appraisal of proposals relating to the “release” of GM organisms and products (ordinarily considered hazardous) into the environment. In this case, it has recommended the environmental release of DMH-11 “for its seed production and testing…prior to commercial release”. In other words, it has given the green signal for commercial cultivation by farmers, with production of seed material being the first step.

 GEAC has also recommended the environmental release of DMH-11’s parental lines (carrying the barnase and barstar genes) for them to be used to develop new hybrids. Such hybrids could give even higher yields than DHM-11.

Mustard varieties in India have a narrow genetic base. The barnase-barstar system enables breeding of hybrids from a wider range of mustards, including those of East European origin such as ‘Heera’ and ‘Donskaja’.

“We can also introduce new traits relating to resistance against disease (alternaria blight and stem rot fungus) or canola oil quality (zero/ low levels of erucic acid and glucosinolates, seen as negative from a health standpoint),” said Deepak Pental, former Delhi University vice chancellor, who led the CGMCP team that bred DMH-11 in 2002.

Why did it take so long for GEAC to clear?

There has been opposition to GM crops in general, from assorted green groups and the RSS-affiliate Swadeshi Jagran Manch. In GM mustard, there have been two specific concerns voiced as well.

The first is the presence of a third ‘bar’ gene, which makes GM mustard plants tolerant to the spraying of glufosinate ammonium, a chemical used for killing weeds. This, the opponents allege,  will cause displacement of manual labour engaged in weeding by promoting use of chemical herbicides.

The DMH-11 developers, however, say that bar is only a marker gene. It is used to identify those plants that have been genetically modified — the non-GM ones cannot withstand application of the herbicide — and necessary for large-scale seed production.

The GEAC has recommended the “usage of any formulation of herbicide…exclusively for hybrid seed production”, while not permitting the same “for cultivation in the farmer’s field under any situation”.

The second concern is over GM mustard threatening or undermining the population of honey bees. Mustard flowers are a source of nectar for honey bees and many other pollinator insects.

However, the GEAC has cited the report of an expert committee under Department of Biotechnology scientist Sanjay Kumar Mishra and director of the Indian Agricultural Research Institute A K Singh, which stated that “based on the examination of scientific evidences available globally…it seems unlikely that the bar, barnase and barstar system will pose an adverse impact on honey bees and other pollinators”.

The GEAC has, at the same time, recommended that the applicant (CGMCP) should conduct “field demonstration studies with respect to the effect of [GM mustard] on honey bees and other pollinators” post the environmental release, “to generate scientific evidence in [the] Indian agro-climatic situation and as a precautionary mechanism”.

So, will Indian farmers finally plant GM mustard?

Definitely not this year, since there are no seeds available and the planting season for the crop (October to early-November) is virtually over.

Also, it remains to be seen if the central government will accept the GEAC’s recommendations. The compelling motive here could be India’s spiraling edible oil import bill. The country produces only 8.5-9 million tonnes (mt) of edible oil annually, while importing 14-14.5 mt that entailed a record foreign exchange outgo of $18.99 billion in the fiscal year ended March 31, 2022.

(source: Understanding GM mustard by Harish Damodaran)

Point to ponder: That it has taken so long for India’s farmers to plant a genetically modified food crop shows an approach that is neither scientific nor swadeshi. Comment.

3. MCQ: 

Which of the following statements is/are true with respect to GM crops?

1. In India, the FSSAI is the apex body that allows for commercial release of GM crops.

2. GM Mustard has the genes that allow the plant cross pollination and hybridization.

a) only 1                     b) only 2

c) both 1 and 2         d) neither 1 nor 2

 

The 2022 report of the Lancet Countdown on health and climate change: health at the mercy of fossil fuels

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: General issues on Environmental ecology, Bio-diversity and Climate Change – that do not require subject specialization.

Mains Examination: General Studies III: Conservation, environmental pollution and degradation, environmental impact assessment.

Why in news?

Ahead of this year’s United Nations climate change conference (COP27), a major new report has said that the continued dependence on fossil fuels is compounding the health impacts of the multiple crises the world is facing — including the fallouts of the Covid-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, the cost of living crisis, and climate change.

Key takeaways

According to a fact sheet on the specific impacts on India — which uses data from the report but is not itself a part of the report — climate change is affecting almost every pillar of food security:

* The duration of the growth season for maize has decreased by 2%, compared to a 1981-2010 baseline, while rice and winter wheat have each decreased by 1%.

* From 2012-2021, infants under one year old experienced an average of 72 million more person-days of heatwaves per year, compared to 1985-2005. For the same period, adults over 65 experienced 301 million more person-days. This means that, on average, from 2012-2021, each infant experienced an additional 0.9 heatwave days per year while adults over 65 experienced an additional 3.7 per person, compared to 1986-2021.

* From 2000-2004 to 2017-2021, heat-related deaths increased by 55% in India.

* In 2021, Indians lost 167.2 billion potential labour hours due to heat exposure with income losses equivalent to about 5.4% of national GDP.

* From 1951-1960 to 2012-2021, the number of months suitable for dengue transmission by Aedes aegypti rose by 1.69%, reaching 5.6 months each year.

“These are early warnings and we need to take mitigation measures like adapting heat action plans in each city. For instance, the Ahmedabad heat action plan that has shown mortality can be reduced, should be adapted everywhere,” Ahmedabad-based public health expert and Director, Indian Institute of Public Health, Gandhinagar, Dr Dilip Mavalankar, told The Indian Express.

Dr Sundeep Salvi, Chairperson, Global Burden of Diseases-India for respiratory diseases, said the burning of dirty fuels needs to be minimised as soon as possible to reduce the accompanying health impacts.

“Global warming and climate change is intricately related to human health and India needs to do something seriously in this space,” Dr Salvi said.

“Our report this year reveals we are at a critical juncture. We see how climate change is driving severe health impacts all around the world, while the persistent global fossil fuel dependence compounds these health harms amidst multiple global crises, keeping households vulnerable to volatile fossil fuel markets, exposed to energy poverty, and dangerous levels of air pollution,” Dr Marina Romanello, Executive Director of the Lancet Countdown at the University College London said.

(source: Climate change amplifying health impacts of multiple crises by  Anuradha Mascarenhas )

Point to ponder: The need of the hour is a renewable-energy revolution. How is it a way  to limit climate disruption and boost energy security?

4. MCQ:

Which one of the following statements best describes the term ‘Social Cost of Carbon’? It is a measure, in monetary value, of the (2020)

(a) long-term damage done by a tonne of CO2, emissions in a given year

(b) requirement of fossil fuels for a country to provide goods and services to its citizens, based on the burning of those fuels

(c) efforts put in by a climate refugee to adapt to live in a new place

(d) contribution of an individual person to the carbon footprint on the planet Earth

Xi Jinping’s Congress and its implications for China, the world and India

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance.

Mains Examination: General Studies II: India and its neighbourhood – International relations

Why in news?

The CCP’s 20th Party Congress ended on October 22 with Xi Jinping remaining as the General Secretary of the China’s Communist Party (CCP) for a third five-year term.

Key takeaways

The CCP’s 20th Congress underlined General Secretary Xi Jinping’s role not just as the core of the Central Committee but also as the fount of new ideas and interpretations of Marxism within the Party. The Report to the Congress and the resolution on amendments to the Party constitution have a clear focus on China’s internal challenges, or, to put it more precisely, the challenges the Party sees to its continued existence in power.

This “great new struggle” requires Party cadre to “study the history of the Party”, to remember its revolutionary ethos, to “[carry] forward our fighting spirit and [build] up our fighting ability”, and to “strive in unity” in order to achieve “the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation”.

In his report to the 2017 Congress, Xi had identified “the principal contradiction facing Chinese society” as the one “between unbalanced and inadequate development and the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life”. Over the past few years, the Party has tackled this contradiction by moving away from an emphasis on GDP growth rates and undermining the domination of the private sector. The approach was represented by the concept of “common prosperity”, which has now been incorporated into the Party constitution.

The Party has thus confirmed its return to a central role in directing the growth and development of the Chinese economy. The stress on greater self-reliance and strength in science and technology suggests increasing concerns about the impact of the international environment on China’s economic ambitions.

Meanwhile, it would appear that “Chinese characteristics” is no longer just about shaping China’s economic development path according to its own realities, but also an effort to both mark China as different from the rest of the world, and to promote it as a role model that other countries can copy and learn from.

What does China’s foreign policy look like going forward?

China is likely to continue its assertive foreign policy. The combative foreign minister Wang Yi has found a place in the Central Committee as one among those who has been able to stay on despite being over the informal retirement age norm. Wang is likely to replace Yang Jiechi as Director of the Party’s Central Foreign Affairs Commission General Office, that is, as China’s top-ranking diplomat.

Diplomacy, however, might not be the most apt description for the work of Chinese foreign ministry officials, as they likely continue with their ‘wolf warrior’ tactics, and attempt to expand China’s extra-territorial jurisdiction over Chinese expatriates, dissidents, the Taiwanese, and diaspora.

In turn, the reasonable fear other countries might have that Xi’s victory in the battle for political supremacy at home might cause China to step up its assertiveness, even aggression, in the region and further afield, could lead to contrasting reactions in its neighbourhood. Powers like the US, Japan and India might push back harder while weaker players like ASEAN — or at least some among its members — and others among China’s neighbours might decide that cooperation with Beijing is the way to go.

What can India expect from a politically more powerful Xi?

Very little is likely to change in the current state of India-China relations with New Delhi insisting on a resolution of the situation in eastern Ladakh arising from China’s transgressions of 2020, targeting Chinese economic interests in its jurisdiction, and increasing political and security cooperation with the US. The Chinese Party-state for its part, insists on separating other aspects of the Sino-Indian relationship from the border situation, and views the US as its principal challenger and an existential threat. The latter aspect has led to a tendency under Xi to view India as possessing no views or agency of its own, and only doing the US’ bidding.

This approach suits the CPC worldview because it would otherwise have to contend with India in Asia first before it could fully turn its attention to the US. That, however, would complicate the Chinese narrative of being the latter’s putative successor as the global superpower.

A more powerful Xi focused on the threat from the US but at the same time constrained from acting directly against it could possibly target those he sees as US proxies — Taiwan, Japan, and India among others.

(source: Xi Jinping’s Congress by Jabin T Jacob)

Point to ponder: The CCP’s 20th National Congress has implications for the world at large. How?

5. MCQ:

Which of the following states do not have common boundary with China?

a) Uttarakhand      b) Himachal Pradesh

c) Sikkim                  d) Assam

 

Answers to the MCQs: 1 (d), 2 (a), 3 (b), 4 (a), 5 (d)

Manas Srivastava leads the UPSC Essentials section of The Indian Express (digital). He majorly writes on UPSC, other competitive exams and education-related projects. In the past, Manas has represented India at the G-20 Youth Summit in Mexico. He is a former member of the Youth Council, GOI. A two-time topper/gold medallist in History (both in graduation and post-graduation) from Delhi University, he has mentored and taught UPSC aspirants for more than five years. His diverse role in The Indian Express consists of writing, editing, anchoring/ hosting, interviewing experts, and curating and simplifying news for the benefit of students. He hosts the YouTube talk show called ‘Art and Culture with Devdutt Pattanaik’ and a LIVE series on Instagram and YouTube called ‘LIVE with Manas’.His talks on ‘How to read a newspaper’ focus on newspaper reading as an essential habit for students. His articles and videos aim at finding solutions to the general queries of students and hence he believes in being students' editor, preparing them not just for any exam but helping them to become informed citizens. This is where he makes his teaching profession meet journalism. He is also the editor of UPSC Essentials' monthly magazine for the aspirants. He is a recipient of the Dip Chand Memorial Award, the Lala Ram Mohan Prize and Prof. Papiya Ghosh Memorial Prize for academic excellence. He was also awarded the University’s Post-Graduate Scholarship for pursuing M.A. in History where he chose to specialise in Ancient India due to his keen interest in Archaeology. He has also successfully completed a Certificate course on Women’s Studies by the Women’s Studies Development Centre, DU. As a part of N.S.S in the past, Manas has worked with national and international organisations and has shown keen interest and active participation in Social Service. He has led and been a part of projects involving areas such as gender sensitisation, persons with disability, helping slum dwellers, environment, adopting our heritage programme. He has also presented a case study on ‘Psychological stress among students’ at ICSQCC- Sri Lanka. As a compere for seminars and other events he likes to keep his orating hobby alive. His interests also lie in International Relations, Governance, Social issues, Essays and poetry. ... Read More

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