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This is an archive article published on January 5, 2011
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Opinion The demands of development

Jharkhand’s panchayat elections extend the Bihar lesson

indianexpress

Manisha Priyam

January 5, 2011 05:26 AM IST First published on: Jan 5, 2011 at 05:26 AM IST

The very last days of 2010 witnessed the deepening of democratic spirit in some of the poorest areas of India. The recently concluded panchayat elections in Jharkhand were in every way as notable as the assembly elections in neighbouring Bihar. Held after 32 years,they marked the first step of the development-democracy twinning arrangements that now seem to be the order of the day in what were once considered the “laggard” states of North India.

In an age in which most Centrally sponsored schemes were being pegged to the third tier,this institution was absent in Jharkhand. There were many hurdles,mostly institutional,that prevented the state from setting up panchayats,though central was the struggle between Sadaans (non-tribals) and tribals,fought ultimately as a court battle on the issue of reservation of seats and posts for Scheduled Tribes.

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With a Supreme Court judgment and a new BJP-led coalition in place,holding the elections was now a mandate — in both the popular and the legal senses. The first steps seemed tentative,and were marked with scepticism; a weak state was holding elections for 60,000 posts under the threat of Naxalism. Yet,both the outcome and the electoral process are being seen today with rare optimism across the political spectrum. For Congress minister and Ranchi MP Subodh Kant Sahay,without panchayats to anchor the rural development schemes,Centrally sponsored schemes were merely “white-collar expenditure” in the state,unable to reach the people. The Jharkhand government’s secretary for panchayats,S.K. Satpathy confirmed this when he said that,in the absence of panchayats,it were the officers who were acting as sarpanch. Local intellectuals,meanwhile,confirmed a thriving political economy of loot.

Yet the campaign process was an optimistic one. Women came out in large numbers during both the campaigns and voting. In many places they were noted as challenging the male-dominated electoral process: in Kudada village of Jamshedpur,women threatened the Zila Parishad candidate that in case he did not fulfil his election promises,they would start a “thappar maro” campaign. For a state whose name was nationally a synonym for political immorality of the lowest order,this small voice against bribery seemed like a sure but certain step.

The threat of Naxalism did challenge and even undermine the voting process in many ways. In Laungava block of Chatra district,the locally dominant group of Naxals put their flags on every panchayat and issued a diktat barring commoners from filing nominations. Such was the fear that not only did people abstain from nominations,they feared even filing a complaint. As a result,Naxal proxies were declared elected unopposed. In Pratapur block of the same district,the sound system and vehicles used for campaigning by many candidates were seized by Maoists. Yashwant Sinha told this writer this was a paradox inherent in “an administrative definition” of peaceful elections — where,if you capture the electoral process peacefully with no overt violence on-site,the administrative responsibility of conducting elections is minimally fulfilled. By the yardstick of violence in Jharkhand,though,he considers these elections to be an important first step.

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In many places,people braved the threat of Maoists and turned out in large numbers even when police protection was missing in many places. In a state where voter turnout hardly breaches the 50 per cent mark,poll percentages were higher than 65 per cent in most districts. Former CM Babulal Marandi,known for taking an anti-Naxal stand,said that such great local enthusiasm meant Naxals couldn’t oppose elections. His brother Nunu Marandi escaped a brutal attack in Chatro during campaigning. Babulal argues for party-based elections in future,so that the hold of money power can be reduced.

Two important stories,from victors and vanquished,bear many similarities to Bihar. First was the challenge to the image of the “Diggaj Neta”. A large number of relatives of big leaders lost elections across political parties. This included the wife of Hemlal Murmu,a serving minister in the current government,and relatives of prominent leaders — Bhuvaneshwar Mehta,Teklal Mahto,Stephen Marandi. What seemed to be emerging was a new leadership,especially among the Mahtos.

Meanwhile,there are inspiring stories from winners too. Consider that of Sabita Devi,a reja or daily-wage labourer from Badla panchayat in Lohardaga. Her daily wages funded some pamphlets; there was no money for a poster or banner. Indeed,she campaigned in the early hours of the day,and then reached the town by 9 am to find herself new work every day. The truly significant aspect of the electoral outcome is that the elections provided very ordinary and poor people,traditionally at the margins,with a real chance of moving towards the centre.

The writer,currently a research scholar at LSE,teaches political science at Delhi University express@expressindia.com

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