
Will America8217;s partnership with India fall victim to politics? The Bush administration8217;s proposed agreement on civil nuclear cooperation with New Delhi 8212; once predicted to win approval from Congress as early as June 8212; is under a growing cloud. With the November midterm elections fast approaching, the legislative calendar crowded, and the White House weakened, the happy talk about a new relationship with India so much in evidence during President Bush8217;s trip to South Asia this spring has receded, leaving in its place the realisation that we could be in for yet another long, hard slog.
As Congress heads into the summer and the administration works damage control, the time is right to take a fresh look at the case for India 8212; not just the nuclear deal but a strategic partnership generally 8212; reminding ourselves why it is so important to pull off this power play.
The experience of the recent past has shown that the forces struggling against the Pax Americana are stronger and more resourceful than once imagined. In a world where terrorists act like great powers, and great powers are few and far between, the possibility of an alliance with a large, rising, free-market democracy with a serious martial tradition is one that should be seized.
The case for India, in short, is about more than the relationship between two great nations. It is the case for institutionalising a certain kind of international order: what President Bush has called 8220;a balance of power that favours freedom8221;8230;
Consider the three overarching security challenges that the United States has stressed in the post-9/11 world: radical Islam, nuclear-armed rogue states, and the rise of China. These dangers also confront America8217;s traditional allies, but in varying, mostly lesser, degrees. India is one of the few states to score the same trifecta as America.
Excerpted from an article by Tom Donnelly and Vance Serchuk in the June 12 issue of 8216;The Weekly Standard8217;