Postcard from the Edge

Clement8217;s 26 now but he still has these hazy recollections of the night of June 30, 1986. He realises what mother meant when she said it8217;s time for 8216;8216;our boys8217;8217; to return home. It was the night Aizawl celebrated word of the Mizoram Accord, ending 20 years of Mizo National Front8217;s insurgency against the Indian state. It was the turning point: the 23rd state of the Union was born within eight months and the MNF under Laldenga rode to power in the elections that followed.

When Clement turned 21, Laldenga8217;s deputy Zoramthanga 8212; as MNF 8216;8216;defence minister8217;8217;, Zoramthanga had trekked to Parva in 1986, emerging with his men from their jungle base 8212; became chief minister. Simultaneously, he raised the hopes of many in the MNF who had fought under him, roughing it out in the jungles of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Once the initial euphoria was over, however, their return home brought them face-to-face with the reality on the ground, leaving many of the cadres very bitter.

8216;8216;What the homecoming did was sharpen the divide. The poor among them became poorer while some grew rich overnight. At least 400 among them looked forward to government jobs once the Accord was signed. But that didn8217;t happen and a sense of despair and betrayal overtook these cadres. They don8217;t like to talk about it but it8217;s there,8217;8217; says an official who has kept track of the men ever since their return.

It8217;s not as if nothing was done to resettle the cadres who returned home. But the exercise was incomplete. Many felt they were denied not just jobs but what had been promised in the Accord: compensation for the kin who died, for the land that was destroyed. 8216;8216;This heightened their frustration with the way the system actually functioned. From the jungle, the return home had seemed very rosy.8217;8217;

Zoramthanga tried hard to keep the flock together but knew from the very beginning, it was an uphill task. With political rivals cashing in on the divide, there were many snapping at the chief minister8217;s heels. Some accused him of betraying the cause, saying the MNF they were once part of no longer existed.

But as an official puts it: 8216;8216;They are partially correct, not totally. When you transform from a well-oiled military cadre to a political formation and widen the base and scope, how can an organisation function the way it did, say, 30 years ago?8217;8217;

Public disillusionment followed the cadres8217; disenchantment. Zoramthanga sought a 10-year mandate to turn Mizoram into the Switzerland of the East. But Clement says all that8217;s big talk. He hadn8217;t voted in the last elections but he wants to be at the polling booth come November 20.

8216;8216;I8217;ve tried everything I could to make some decent money. I hawked electronics, worked as a door-to-door salesman, even tried to strike deals with traders in Silchar Assam8217;s gateway to Mizoram. My friends are all gone, two are in Delhi.8217;8217;

He wants to set up a cybercafe. But he doesn8217;t have the resources. 8216;8216;I can8217;t swing a loan. You need connections for that.8217;8217; He has pinned his hopes on the new combine of the Mizoram People8217;s Conference and the Zoram Nationalist Party. Why them? 8216;8216;They promise to prepare Mizo youth for information technology.8217;8217;

In bustling Zarkawt in Aizawl, four men at a restaurant eye your mobile phone 8212; with no network coverage, it8217;s useless here 8212; and ask you what8217;s keeping it away from Mizoram. 8216;8216;If they can allow it in Jammu and Kashmir, why is it that you don8217;t let cellular services come here? Mizoram is the most peaceful state in the Northeast. Even Nagaland8217;s getting it. And they still have the NSCN there.8217;8217; You fumble for an answer, unsure how they would react if you say these decisions are taken at the Centre.

You switch topics. Don8217;t you think EVMs electronic voting machines everywhere are a welcome change? There8217;s a sullen pause. One of them says they don8217;t even know what it looks like: 8216;8216;I have heard you can8217;t cheat with the machine. Let us hope so.8217;8217;

But elsewhere, EVMs are a talking point. The very thought of just jabbing at a button to make your choice is exciting. Presiding officers and polling staff are being put through a crash course in EVMs at all eight district headquarters. After all, they have to explain it to 5.32 lakh voters who will walk up to the machines on November 20.

8216;8216;You have to convince people it8217;s for their own good. There8217;s always suspicion but that8217;s natural. Change everywhere is always resisted. We have to move with the times. This is simpler,8217;8217; says an official.

And the Election Commission can relax here somewhat. There8217;s another monitor in place: the church. While making it clear they do not wish to meddle in the affairs of the state, the Baptist Church of Mizoram, in its election message, is calling upon voters to 8216;8216;elect on the basis of policy, character and integrity of the candidates who will serve as able leaders8217;8217;.

The Mizoram Presbyterian Church Synod has already warned all parties not to field candidates 8216;8216;who will aim at acquiring wealth through corrupt means8217;8217; or those tainted by sex scandals and given to alcoholism and drug abuse.

It has told the voter: 8216;8216;We must watch out for people who try to induce voters by offering money. Let it be known that such people are not fit to govern and we should have the courage not to vote for them 8230;

8216;8216;To enroll the underaged as voters, to cash votes twice or impersonate others and to rig elections are crimes which every Christian should stay away from.8217;8217;

And this is playing on the minds of the parties in the fray. You can tell it from their poll manifestoes. The MNF swears the ultimate goal of its governance is the realisation of its motto: For God and Our Country.

The Congress, desperate to stage a comeback, is sorry for its 8216;8216;omissions and commissions owing to limited wisdom and experience.8217;8217; The party says, while in the opposition, it has done some introspection and 8216;8216;we have now been equipped spiritually and mentally to embark on a new horizon after having learnt the hard way.8217;8217;

Government officials don8217;t dismiss the church advisories: 8216;8216;There8217;s a parallel code of conduct here. The fear of God is enough to deter many. It8217;s good for Mizoram if the church and NGOs can contribute to free and fair elections. Where else do you find such active and positive participation?8217;8217;

You couldn8217;t agree more. By far, the least noisy, and almost disciplined, run-up to Assembly 2003.

The November 20th question

Of the 40 seats, the big fight is in Champai on the Myanmar border. It8217;s the home constituency of Chief Minister Zoramthanga of the MNF who has always won the seat. His main opponent is his predecessor Lalthanhawla of the Congress.

8226; MNF: Economy as agenda, promises to find markets for domestic produce. Says it will develop border trade centres, pursue connectivity upto Akyab port. In line with Centre8217;s policy, wants to encourage privatisation.

8226; Congress: Wants to combat corruption, promises independent vigilance commission, Right to Information Act. Says it wants the Golden Quadrilateral extended from Silchar to Mizoram. Wants the Lengpui airport upgraded for better cargo movement. Promises to reduce salaries of ministers.

8226; MPC-ZNP combine: To strive for the unity of all Mizos living within and outside Mizoram. Will enforce Inner Line Permit regulations more stringently. Says it will develop border trade centres at Champai and Tlabung. Wants more Mizo youth to join the armed forces, trained in IT.