Bharatiya Baniya Party

In contrast, the Congress, once a tribal belt favourite, won only nine of the 34 seats reserved for tribals. The strength of the state assembly is 90.

State BJP president Nand Kumar Sai is an unhappy man. A senior tribal leader and contender for the chief ministership, he was sent off to battle Ajit Jogi in the Marwahi assembly constituency. As could be expected, he lost, and was out of the race for the top job.

When the government was formed, there was a proposal to make Nanki Ram Kanwar, a tribal veteran, deputy chief minister. After bitter opposition from the non-tribal establishment that runs the BJP, the idea was dropped.

Another senior tribal, Bali Ram Kashyap, Lok Sabha member from Bastar, was not even considered for the chief minister8217;s post. Instead, he was mollified by the appointment of his son, Kedar Kashyap, as a junior minister.

The senior Kashyap admits the ministerial downsizing has led to caste and regional imbalances. He urges the party to 8216;8216;remove the feeling of under-representation among tribals8217;8217;.

Till that happy event occurs, consider the plight of Ram Vichar Netam, state tribal development minister. On the eve of the cabinet-pruning exercise, this four-time MLA hosted a dinner for tribal ministers. The attempt at trade unionism didn8217;t go down well. Netam found himself facing disciplinary charges.

He was threatened with the sack himself. Though he survived, he lost the coveted revenue department. He also signed a written apology and has sworn, the Raipur grapevine goes, to never host another dinner.

Raman Singh plays down the issue. 8216;8216;Tribals enjoy an equal share of power,8217;8217; he insists, 8216;8216;To remove any imbalance after the cabinet downsizing, tribals have been made chairmen of boards and corporations. Where is the question of under-representation?8217;8217;

It leaves tribal MLAs and MPs unconvinced. The Congress is already active, attempting to form a cross-party pressure group of tribal MLAs and MPs. In a time before the anti-defection law, Raman Singh would have been in trouble.

Tribal non-empowerment is not a new phenomenon in Chhattisgarh. In the old days, when the region was still part of Madhya Pradesh, the Congress dominated local politics through a series of wily Brahmins 8212; the Shukla brothers, Vidya Charan and Shyama Charan, and Motilal Vora.

When the state was created in November 1, 2000, Sonia Gandhi sent Ajit Jogi, a tribal, to Raipur as chief minister. It was a clever move, the symbolism of which Jogi duly exploited.

As for the BJP, it has always lacked a tribal face here. The leadership has been dominated by Baniyas. Lakhi Ram Aggarwal, former Rajya Sabha member, is the state party8217;s godfather. He is still seen as the invisible hand behind Raman Singh. Another Baniya, Brij Mohan Aggarwal, state home minister, is number two in the cabinet. Lakhi Ram8217;s son, Amar Aggarwal who holds the finance and industry portfolio, is a close number three.

To think the BJP once swore by social engineering.