Opinion A self-interested embrace?

Sadananda Gowda was chosen by the outgoing CM after BSY concluded that his trusted minister and associate,Shobha Karandlaje,would not be accepted by the party,having raised enough hackles already. The entrenched rivalries within the state BJP became visible,with senior leader Ananth Kumar first stepping into the race,and later agreeing to push Jagdish Shettar (another Lingayat leader of some stature) as his camp’s nominee to challenge BSY’s nominee. By many accounts,Ananth Kumar confused his own MLAs by first pitching for himself,and then for Eashwarappa,the state party chief,in his place,before eventually settling for Shettar. All of this,disguised in the garb of a secret ballot,reflects what social scientists like Atul Kohli and Pamela Prince call “deinstitutionalisation” — the “increased focus on personal loyalty to powerful personalities”,which occurs with the “disintegration of party structures”,as elected posts or appointed posts with clear powers and functions crumble away.

The reason why BSY rooted for a Vokkaliga was obviously to ensure that no other Lingayat leader emerged as a contender. But his other,more pressing,reason for wanting a friend in the CM’s chair was to ensure that the Lokayukta’s report does not translate into an immediate,actionable FIR. The hope that a grateful Gowda would allow BSY to attempt to reclaim the CM’s post after an interval of seven to eight months propelled BSY to throw all his support behind the present incumbent.

Elected to power three years ago as the leader of the single largest party (just about) in Karnataka,BSY gave the Lingayat population (roughly 17 per cent of the state) the hope that they could secure their “rightful place”. By unabashedly casting himself as their leader,BSY made it difficult for even the party’s high command to disregard him.

After the old Mysore state was reconstituted into one of Kannada speakers,the first three chief ministers were Vokkaligas,sharpening the traditional rivalry between the two castes. Incidentally,it was Karnataka and not Tamil Nadu that led the way in asking for extensive reservations for “non-Brahmins”. In 1919,following the Leslie Miller committee’s report,it was Karnataka that fleshed out a category called “backward classes” that needed affirmative action,resulting in many more opportunities for non-Brahmins in education and employment,with scholarships and hostels. Throwing open the gates in this way sharpened aspirations among these caste groups — but did not help their rivalry.

Paralleling the acronyms used for the northern states,political scientist James Manor identifies two broad coalitions around which contestations of power have taken place in Karnataka since the ’70s — MOVD (Muslims,OBCs,Vokkaligas and Dalits) and LIBRA (Lingayats and Brahmins). In fact,Ramakrishna Hegde,a Brahmin,got his first chance to become chief minister in 1983 because the right “balance” between the two predominant communities could not be struck,opening the position up to a third community as compromise.

In recent times,the mining issue has also had a strong impact on Karnataka politics — especially in the early years of this decade,as the price of iron ore soared,and large-scale political and business collusion happened. So,while the sudden elevation of a Vokkaliga has shaken the Deve Gowda-H.D. Kumaraswamy-led Janata Dal (S) and their claim to being the sole representatives of the community,it has also unnerved the Congress,which has no “tall” leaders left to fight for Bengaluru,with the exception of Siddaramaiah. Congress leaders,however,claim that these events are merely a result of the BJP’s and BSY’s compulsions,rather than a grand plan to reconfigure caste equations and woo the Congress’s base. Many BJP MPs,on the other hand,say they have made the most of a messy situation,at least for the interim.

Karnataka,especially Bangalore,has long stood for technological,business and policy innovation. It has large Muslim and Christian populations,and the RSS sees it as a platform in the south to make a larger point to the rest of India: that it has the ability to deliver prosperity along with ideas of Hindu pride,a project that is always easier with minority concentrations in the region.

This ongoing turmoil is bound to get more complicated as bargains over ministries and coveted posts get underway. It is also marked by the shadow of the Bellary brothers’ revolt against BSY in 2009,which nearly toppled the government then. Tensions between the mining barons and BSY will affect the longevity of this government,regardless of whether they stay on as ministers with a say in policies that bear upon their business or are kept out,which would cause powerful resentment.

The opposition might enjoy the BJP’s daily troubles and their resulting incapacity to take on the UPA at the Centre,but they are also anxious about the possibility of elections,given the tremendous financial muscle that BSY has reportedly acquired.

With BSY gone for the moment (and coincidentally,Santosh Hedge too),and a Gowda in charge of the BJP,much imaginative thinking is required. The BJP’s sore losers,as well as the JD(S) and the Congress are all hoping that someone will trip up and spare them the trouble of coming up with fresh ideas for a political battle.

seema.chishti@expressindia.com