Truth with reconciliation

Wherever you go, one is reminded of the misery foisted upon African people through a web of heinous legislation, such as the pass laws, influx control and the beer system. The story is too grim and tragic to be told,and yet it is hard to ignore the quot;white man8217;s burdenquot; in the form of rape, abduction, murder and assassinations. The Kwa Muhle Museum in Durban provides a vital link with the city8217;s apartheid past. Its founding credo reads: quot;This is a museum about power and powerlessness and the struggle for human dignity by ordinary people. Let this never be forgotten. Let us be mindful of the abuses of the past and the human capacity, in all its diversity and richness, to overcomequot;.

Otherwise, life goes on as usual in the bustling cities of Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town. Violence is not rampant as was predicted by the prophets of doom. Nelson Mandela, the presiding genius over South Africa8217;s destiny, is still striving for a rainbow coalition. Economists debate what ails the economy, social scientists discuss the constitution, approved on December 10, 1996, at Sharpeville, scene of an infamous massacre that was in itself a defining moment in South Africa8217;s struggle for political freedom and human justice, the mediafocuses on Truth and Reconciliation hearings whenever the drama unfolds on television.

Yet all that glitters is not gold. Tension is brewing as Nelson Mandela comes to terms with the problems of governance. The 35 million blacks are angry and dissatisfied with the slow pace of reforms. Public rhetoric, as in neighbouring Zimbabwe where Robert Mugabe8217;s inept and corrupt regime is collapsing, is not matched by action. Squatter campuses and shanty-towns have not disappeared. Unemployment among the blacks is still very high, while massive cuts in public expenditure dim the prospects of securing jobs.

In Cape Town, the health authorities would wield the battle axe rather than the scalpel to cut 3,816 jobs and close five hospitals by July this year. The real problem, one that India was not faced with at the dawn of independence, is the absence of a strong middle class in South Africa. There are just not enough qualified black applicants for skilled jobs. They hold only 8 per cent of the nation8217;s top jobs. Partof the reason is their limited access to education during and after the apartheid years. In 1996, the number of black students at universities in, say, Pretoria was 4,788 as against 19,425 whites. The number of black teachers in Cape Town was 141, as against 1,395 whites. Though affirmative action has made some difference 8211;the number of blacks in public service rose 13 per cent between June 1995 and June 1996 8212; the overall progress in most sectors of the economy is abysmally poor.

Tension is also mounting on account of the unassailable dominance of the 5.3 million white inhabitants, who constitute just 10 per cent of the population but control trade, commerce, industry, banking, agriculture and education. Mandela himself denounced white privilege and called for a distribution of wealth to poor black. Though Thabo Mbeki, his soft-spoken successor, exudes optimism in his pronouncements, South Africa has a long way to go towards achieving its goal of improving the lives of its impoverished blackcitizens.

The average income of the whites is 17,060, that of blacks is 3,005. In rural areas, the conservative Afrikaners, with their penchant for brutalising black tenant labourers and farm workers, retain their extensive farmlands. Having perpetrated crimes against humanity for 47 years, they are now organising themselves into vigilante groups for quot;protectionquot;. Why? Because they view themselves as victims of reverse discrimination. Protection against what? Just because a handful of white farmers have been killed? Such paranoia, some might say, comes naturally to the white descendants of exiles, refugees and mercenaries who, having flouted all norms of decent and human behaviour in the past, continue to enjoy the good life and reap the rewards of their oppression. Most people I spoke to were disappointed that only 30,000 whites emigrated between 1994 and 1996. They would like many more to leave.

So what happens to Mandela8217;s rainbow coalition? Some have said that to grant amnesty to killers is to mockthe truth, and will have no truck with reconciliation. quot;If the Nazis were tried at Nuremberg,quot; an angry youth told me at Cato Manor in Durban, quot;why should the Afrikaners be allowed to go scot-free?quot;

The anger and indignation is understandable, but the more striking and commendable aspect of South African society today is the humanity of its black people, the sense of pride and dignity, and the remarkable spirit of tolerance and understanding they have demonstrated during the last few years. Though haunted by the painful memories of an agonising past, most people seem convinced, in the words of the poet-writer Manda Langa, quot;that the past in which we live so vividly cannot be repeatedquot;. The golden pledge, hallmark of the constitution, is: quot;Never, never again shall the laws of our land rend our people apart, or legalise their oppression or repression. Together we shall march, hand in hand, to a brighter future.quot;

We seem to have a quot;messagequot; for every other country, but can we not learn a few lessons fromSouth Africa? When remembering our freedom fighters, we must not forget those countless men and women in South Africa who laid down their lives for freedom, social justice and human dignity. This is the essence of what Gandhiji taught us.