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This is an archive article published on May 29, 1998

Nuclear wise

The Prime Minister's first statement in Parliament provided the broad framework of the government's nuclear policy. It does not answer many ...

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The Prime Minister8217;s first statement in Parliament provided the broad framework of the government8217;s nuclear policy. It does not answer many of the questions raised by the confusing crosstalk in official circles over the past ten days. But it is the first step towards articulating a clear policy and is therefore welcome. The significant aspect of the statement lies in the commitments to restraint, to exercising independent judgment on security issues, to global disarmament and to multilateral agencies such as the United Nations. All this boils down to a continuation of central features of past policy which Atal Behari Vajpayee went to great lengths to emphasise. It is the kind of confident and responsible language the country expects to hear. It provides the basis for consensus among political parties and for the conduct of diplomacy.

Obviously, citing Nehru and Indira Gandhi has not had the desired effect on the opposition in Parliament and cannot be expected to in light of the suddenness of the nucleartests and the incoherent aftermath. Opposition concern, of the serious kind, centres on two very relevant questions: whether the government has made all its calculations carefully and on the need to up the ante in the neighbourhood. These two issues are going to dog the debate constantly. Although some sobriety has returned to official statements and some fire-fighting undertaken, these do not address the questions directly. In the weeks ahead the government will therefore have to work harder on those questions inside and outside Parliament. It is good that all manner of opinion is being aired but it is essential that the country comes to speak with one voice eventually. The responsibility of bringing that about lies first with the government.

The government8217;s willingness to sign no-first-use agreements bilaterally and collectively confirms its peaceful intent. It has also said it is ready to go further than this. De jure formalisation8217; of India8217;s voluntary moratorium on explosive nuclear tests means thatthe government is prepared to accept binding obligations. Taken with other commitments, this indicates various things. In the first place that a credible nuclear deterrent is available after Pokharan-II. Second, India8217;s posture of restraint is voluntary and based on complete confidence in its capabilities. Third, India is in a position to discuss the CTBT with the major powers and others preparatory to accepting treaty obligations. It is unclear if conditions are still attached but these are definitely positive signs and should be pushed harder in the domestic and international arena. If some opposition parties are inclined to be sceptical, it only proves that the government needs to be more persuasive. With the major powers, India must continue to press for disarmament commitments. If Pokharan has proved one thing beyond all doubt it is the inherent instability of a global order based on big power nuclear domination. India is bound to receive in this endeavour the unequivocal support of all the non-nuclearcountries. Vajpayee is speaking, at last, like the statesman he is. Let that continue.

 

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