It happened in Chuntimullah

Kashmir has 46 more constituencies which are yet to go to polls. It is already clear that each one of the seven phases will frame a different reality and a coherent picture will emerge only once the election is over. In fact, nobody can predict what will happen in the heartlands of the poll boycott like Srinagar city, Sopore, Baramulla, Anantnag and other towns.

There is every likelihood that the turnout will be massive in the second phase too when Ganderbal and Kangan will go to polls. Kangan has always been a high turnout constituency. National Conference candidate Mian Bashir belongs to the noted Sufi family of Mians, which has a traditional stronghold among the tribal Gujjar populace. Ganderbal is a high-profile constituency where both National Conference and PDP have applied their entire organisational weight. NC president Omar Abdullah is contesting from here and it is a battle for his political survival.

When thousands came out to protest across Kashmir subsequent to the Amarnath land row and 57 unarmed protestors were killed, the assertion made by the separatist leadership that the massive outburst of people8217;s anger on the streets was absolute proof of their popular support, was mistaken. Similarly, if the present tempo of voter turnout continues across the seven phases, it will be wrong to portray the people8217;s response to Assembly elections in terms of the falsity of separatist sentiment.

The village of Chuntimullah high up in the Haramukh range of the Himalayas could be a metaphor for this roller coaster shift. For years, the village has been the largest militant hub in Kashmir. Almost every fidayeen attack in Srinagar city has originated from this hamlet. Lashkar8217;s top man in the Valley, Bilal alias Salahudin, would operate from here. The 300 families of the village had been out of bounds for outsiders for years. Occasional guests had to be registered in the local army camps. Fifty local villagers have been killed.

But when the polling staff arrived there, villagers had already assembled in the school courtyard, waiting to vote. The reason for this enthusiasm for elections had two reasons. The militant presence is still significant in the mountains here. But for the first time since 1990, militants have not launched a violent campaign against the polls. The absence of the fear of the gun has had a major impact. Thus, villagers started thinking about their day-to-day problems. In a way they de-linked the larger question of the resolution of the Kashmir problem from the issues of local governance. They want a motorable road. They need a hospital. They are desperate for jobs. These issues finally brought them to the polling booths.

The absence of militant violence has also boosted the confidence of the people who wanted to contest. Candidates and their families felt safe. That is why 19 candidates jumped into the fray in Bandipore while 21 fought from Sonawari. This brought in issues of family loyalty, village rivalry and competition into the election 8212; engaging everyone and helping to boost the overall turnout.

It is clear that the traditional strategy of the separatist leadership will no longer work. A call for boycott or a general strike from the pulpit of a mosque has far less significance, especially in the absence of the fear of gun. The transition from violence to non-violence witnessed during the massive protests after the land row has turned the separatist-mainstream discourse in Kashmir into a battle of ideas.

The separatist leadership too has to acknowledge that the separatist-mainstream divide in Kashmir is not painted in black and white. The demand for azadi concerns larger political aspirations while the issues of local governance are linked to bread and butter matters. The two are not separate from each other.

In a way, Kashmir8217;s two mainstream parties, the National Conference and PDP, correctly framed it when they insisted that the Assembly polls have nothing to do with the larger question of the Kashmir dispute. The PDP came forward with its 8220;self-rule8221; document, suggesting a road map for the resolution, while NC President Omar Abdullah has formed a committee to come out with an 8220;autonomy-plus8221; formula. In the separatist camp, Sajjad Lone has already unveiled his proposal of 8220;achievable nationhood8221;, while the Mirwaiz Umar Farooq-led Hurriyat too has talked of a framework for negotiations to resolve the dispute.

The need is for the government not to get swayed by the people8217;s response to elections in these two constituencies of Bandipore district and declare unilateral victory. After the debacle of the land row, it has a golden opportunity to push for a wider process of reconciliation.