
MUMBAI, AUGUST 24: Ambition is the middle name of Sharadchandra Pawar though he has begun to acknowledge it only in the past few months since his rebellion in the Congress.
His ambitious streak, coupled with an ability to time his strike, had upset even his mentor Y B Chavan in 1978 when Pawar, at 38, manouvered to split the Congress and form a Progressive Democratic Front government in Maharashtra. Veterans remember that Chavan tried his hardest to dissuade Pawar from going ahead with his plans and the 8220;disciple8221; even saw some reason in his mentor8217;s arguments. Nevertheless, he took oath as the state8217;s youngest Chief Minister and led a PDF government that had an assortment of parties.
Years later in 1991, the country was witness to a similar display of ambition as he pitched for the post of Prime Minister and called for a distance from the party8217;s dependence on dynastic succession. He was not successful but he believes it catapulted him into the national political arena in a manner that nothing elsewould have. In Sonia Gandhi8217;s advent and her subsequent taking over of the party last year, Pawar saw a serious threat to his ambition to be king, and failing that, a king-maker. Gandhi recognised this streak, and cut him down to size. In any case, she hadn8217;t taken to him at all.
They were poised for a battle royale. It was staged in April-May this year. In forming the Nationalist Congress Party, obviously for post-election bargains, he saw some scope to realise his ambition. It was the turning point both in his home-theatre in Maharashtra and on the centre-stage in New Delhi. 8220;It wasn8217;t planned at all. Expelling us PA Sangma and Tariq Anwar too from the Congress was the trigger. The NCP owes its origin to Mrs. Gandhi,8221; chuckles Pawar.
On the national stage, the issue of her foreign origin that was dismissed as more of a clever and voter-friendly gimmick by the BJP was suddenly invested with credibility as Pawar began talking the same language. Secondly, his wide network across parties and ideologiesput him in an envious position to knit the third alternative to challenge the Congress and the BJP. It8217;s a different matter that the alternative did not get off the drawing board. It perhaps means that Pawar will have to be happy being the king-maker this time.
8220;If party leaders with a handful of MPs can dictate terms to the Government, can have policies initiated and wield so much influence that the Government8217;s survival depends on their whims, what8217;s wrong if Saheb Pawar wants to be there as well? He has a mass base, administrative skills and an understanding of issues,8221; remarks a close aide in Mumbai. His dream to call shots on the national stage dictates his demeanour 8212; for him none of the kowtowing and knee-bending that senior leaders of the Congress indulge in at 10 Janpath, something he is acidic about in his cocktail conversations.
It8217;s his home base that has him all excited in this election. True, he would have preferred that the assembly elections were not held simultaneously with that ofthe Lok Sabha but now he has to put his nose to the grind. It8217;s in Maharashtra that Pawar8217;s rebellion, expulsion and the NCP has turned the political tide. 8220;We will see to it that the Shiv Sena-BJP government doesn8217;t come near power again,8221; asserts Pawar8217;s point-man and state NCP chief Chhagan Bhujbal. Before the NCP emerged to make the assembly contest a triangular one 8212; in some case, even a four-cornered one 8212; the Sena-BJP had seen the writing on the wall.
They were conditioning themselves for a stint in the Opposition ranks; the Congress seemed quite invincible and on a roller-coaster ride to power. Four-and-half years of self-fulfilment, misgovernance, corruption and nepotism had exposed both the Sena and the BJP. Tired of its partner8217;s constant brinkmanship and misdeeds, the BJP was in a mood to dump the Sena. 8220;The NCP changed the parameters of political theatre in Maharashtra,8221; observes an analyst.
The NCP8217;s ability to spoil chances for Congress candidates in at least half of the 48 Lok Sabhaand 288 assembly constituencies, coupled with the euphoria over the Kargil victory to cash in upon has put the Sena-BJP alliance in the winning mode. Post-poll they might have to accommodate the NCP in the power structure but the chances of the Congress returning to rule are as dim as ever. NCP second-rung leaders do not fail to recall that most of the 43 Independent MLAs 8212; Congress rebels who enabled the Sena-BJP government to enjoy a majority were Pawar men put up against the official Congress candidates to spite the Delhi leadership at that time.
However, Bhujbal and others are preparing to take oath themselves; they see themselves in power either with the assortment of alliances they have struck or in some other way. Pawar is trying to cash in on about the 23-25 per cent vote that he has always had in the assembly segments; it8217;s his vote more than the Congress vote as figures would show, acknowledges a senior Congress leader. But ambition has to be coupled with strategy.
Pawar is concentrating onwestern Maharashtra which is the sugar belt of the state. Both for the Lok Sabha and assembly, he expects to get maximum seats in this region, then take as many as possible in Mumbai, Konkan and north Maharashtra with Marathwada and finally get the bonuses in Vidarbha. The NCP8217;s campaign is aggressive Pawar8217;s pitch is for power both in Mumbai and New Delhi. Cleverly, he has linked stability to seats in exhorting Maharashtrians to vote handsomely for the NCP so that repeated elections may be avoided. Of course, Sonia Gandhi is a target of attack.
Never mind that Pawar didn8217;t get the symbol he wanted 8212; Charkha 8212; and has to make do with a table clock. 8220;Maybe this is my time to prove something,8221; he smiles. For him, the battle begins from Baramati where, with a fortnight to elections, the Congress is unable to nominate a candidate against him.