
The pursuit of national interest through the conduct of foreign policy sometimes involves a chasm between rhetoric and reality. Even as Rajiv Gandhi was driving his staff and officials to prepare an 8220;action plan8221; for a nuclear weapons free world in 1988, he directed P.K. Iyengar in the Atomic Energy Commission and scientific adviser to the defence ministry V.S. Arunachalam to expeditiously weaponise India8217;s potential nuclear deterrent. Rajiv Gandhi had then concluded that, given the Pakistan-China nuclear nexus and the US8217;s indulgence of it, India had no option but to build its nuclear arsenal. The 8220;action plan8221; for nuclear disarmament that he presented at the UN special session on disarmament provided him diplomatic space, in case it became necessary to acknowledge our possessing a nuclear arsenal.
A similar chasm has existed between rhetoric and reality in our relations with Israel. Given its historical experience and for reasons of real politic, India chose to support the Arab cause in the Arab-Israeli dispute. But this did not prevent us from having an Israeli consulate in Bombay and conducting trade and economic relations with Israel. We sought and obtained Israeli military assistance whenever required. An Indian military delegation visited Israel just after the Sino-Indian border conflict of 1962 to acquire urgently needed weapons systems. Just after the 1965 conflict with Pakistan, we purchased ammunition from Israel. P.N. Haksar signed the contract in London. We also did not hesitate to have our elite security forces trained in Israel and equipped with Israeli weapons after 1985. Indira Gandhi had earlier refused to yield to Saudi pressure to close down the Israeli consulate in Bombay during the first oil price rise crisis in 1974-1975. She authorised regular and discreet official contacts with the Israeli consulate after this development. There was thus really no need for Morarji Desai8217;s government to deny that General Moshe Dayan had visited India in 1979.
The liberal political establishment in the US showed sympathy, support and understanding for India even in the days of our close relationship with the Soviet Union, during the Cold War. This establishment has historically been pro-Israel and is linked to groups like the American-Israeli Political Action Committee AIPAC that lobby for Israel. The decision of the Reagan administration to supply nuclear capable F-16s to Pakistan was viewed with concern by both India and American Jewish groups, as Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto made no secret of his views about the 8220;Jewish civilisation8221; possessing nuclear weapons, while he gave an Islamic dimension to Pakistan8217;s nuclear ambitions. Groups like the AIPAC reinforced the Indian diplomatic effort to oppose the supply of F-16s. This effort almost resulted in the sale being rejected by the House foreign affairs committee. The then Indian ambassador in Washington, K.R. Narayanan, authorised cooperation with the AIPAC in this effort, with the approval of Indira Gandhi. Our links with influential Jewish groups in the US are, therefore, longstanding ones.
Speaking at the influential American Jewish Community annual dinner on May 8, National Security Adviser Brajesh Mishra drew attention to the fact that democratic countries are today the main targets of international terrorism. The US-led 8220;global coalition8221; against terrorism includes states like Pakistan and Saudi Arabia that support and fund terrorist groups. Mishra asserted: 8220;A core consisting of democratic societies has to gradually emerge from within our existing coalition, which can take on international terrorism in a holistic and focused manner8230; India, the US and Israel have some fundamental similarities. We are all democracies sharing a common vision of pluralism, tolerance and equal opportunity. Stronger India-US relations and India-Israel relations have a natural logic.8221; He also stated that India, Israel and the US have been 8220;prime targets8221; of terrorism. He did not allude to any India-US-Israel 8220;axis8221; or 8220;alliance8221;.
India, Israel and the US share concerns about global terrorism. Osama bin Laden founded the 8220;International Islamic Front for Jihad against the crusaders referring to the US and Jews referring to Israel8221; in 1998. Five Pakistani terrorist groups including the Lashkar-e-Toiba, Harkat-ul-Mujahideen and Jaish-e-Mohammed, all of whom advocate jihad against India, are members of this Front. Members of this Front were responsible for terrorist attacks in New York, Washington, Yemen and Riyadh. Likewise, the Jemayah Islamia that staged the terrorist outrage in Bali had links with the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. British born, pro-Al-Qaeda Pakistanis, one of whom had links with the Jaish-e-Mohammed, were responsible for the murder of American journalist Daniel Pearl and for a recent suicide attack in Tel Aviv. India, Israel and the US are the countries most vulnerable to terrorist violence from groups that have close linkages with each other. Cooperation to deal with terrorist violence is not merely logical, but imperative. This does not, however, constitute an India, Israel, US 8220;axis8221; directed against any third party. It does not erode Indian support for the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinians, or our determination to expand cooperation with friendly countries like Iran.
Cooperation with Israel does not mean that we should ignore the Palestinian cause. Any Arab-Israeli settlement must not only guarantee the security of Israel within internationally recognised boundaries, but also see the emergence of a viable Palestinian state. Israel will have to withdraw from occupied territories, end settlement activity and dismantle some existing settlements. At the same time, the Palestinians will have to crack down on those indulging in terrorist violence. This is the substance of the 8220;road map8221; presented to the Israelis and the Palestinians by the US, EU, Russia and the UN. India should support this process and use its friendship with both Israel and the Palestinians to reinforce ongoing efforts to bridge differences. Condemnatory rhetoric is no substitute for mature diplomacy.