After Advani, who?

This is perhaps the crux of the matter. And the choice of the new president is likely to be dictated largely by the role Advani assumes after he relinquishes office. BJP leaders firmly scotched speculation that he will retire into solitude, surfacing only in newspaper articles and at seminars. 8220;The party cannot do without him. He will have to be actively involved with the BJP in some form or another,8221; an office bearer emphasised.

One associate commented that if Advani had not been Advani, the party constitution would have been amended to give him a third term, such is the dependence of the BJP on the man who has been its cutting edge for the past decade. In fact, at one point, his loyalists were working hard towards this until Advani put a stop to it, insisting that rules are rules and not meant to be changed.

A third term then, is out. What is under consideration is a kind of super8217; status for the man. 8220;He will function as a super-president and it will be made crystal clear to the next president that all decisions relating to the party will be made in consultation with and after clearance from him,8221; a BJP general secretary asserted. Raj Guru, Bhishma Pitamaha, chairman whatever the title, the effort clearly is to ensure that Advani continues to guide the fortunes of the BJP.

Party circles are still hazy about the specifics of Advani8217;s future role. One insider confessed that they will be clarified only as November nears after detailed consultations between the Advani-Vajpayee duo and the RSS top brass. But after the disastrous experiment with Murli Manohar Joshi, whose presidency was overshadowed by Advani8217;s dominating presence in the surcharged atmosphere after the Ram Rath Yatra, this time, the party and the RSS want to ensure clear line functions for its top leadership so that there is no scope for contentious overlapping.

The implications of the ongoing exercise are huge. A formal role for Advani at the top will change the profile of the post of party president from the all-in-one that Advani was, to a party chief with more limited functions.To some extent, this has already happened. After Advani handed over the mantle of shadow prime minister to Vajpayee, he has been playing a backroom role, restricting himself to organisational and ideological matters. Vajpayee has been the public face of the BJP, leading the electoral charge, planning parliamentary strategy, dealing with coalition partners and potential allies and liaising with the Government.

In the coming months, as the BJP revs itself up to run a coalition government at the Centre, Vajpayee will continue to dominate the party8217;s public dealings, whether with the electorate or the political classes. But while Vajpayee8217;s role is quite clear, the party is in a dilemma over the internal restructuring that is necessary to make space for Advani in a new dispensation.

The names under consideration to succeed Advani provide interesting pointers to the thinking within the party on this. Thakre, for instance, is known as a solid organisation man. A devoted Sangh pracharak, Thakre has been increasingly used by the BJP leadership as a troubleshooter, whether in faction-ridden Madhya Pradesh or in the Delhi war zone.

The Gujarat fiasco was an eye-opener for the party which realised for the first time then that the BJP was not immune to the perils of dissidence, in-fighting and inner wranglings. A high-level conclave at Virar in January this year put organisational matters at the top of the party8217;s agenda and they continue to dominate the attention of the leadership.

If the next party president is to devote himself exclusively to tightening the organisation, Thakre would seem to be the inevitable choice, particularly since he has a good equation with Advani. BJP circles feel that the two would make a good team to run the party.

Shekhawat, on the other hand, is known as the quintessential coalition man. Even more than Vajpayee, Shekhawat8217;s rapport with leaders of other political parties, whether the Congress or the Janata Dal or the regional parties, is phenomenal. He was the one to whom the BJP turned both times it made a bid to form a coalition government at the Centre.

Although there are those who feel that the party will lose Rajasthan if Shekhawat is moved to Delhi, the growing feeling in BJP circles is that he has had his day in the State. And Shekhawat has hinted that he is willing to take over the reins from Advani if the party so desires.

Certainly, in the event of the BJP being pitch-forked into running a coalition government in Delhi, Shekhawat will be an invaluable asset. He enjoys an excellent rapport with Vajpayee who would probably need a Man Friday to handle the unwieldy coalition the BJP is trying to put together for the next election.

Bangaru Laxman8217;s name appears to have cropped up largely because through him, the BJP can make statements. He is a Dalit and a South Indian to boot. Both are constituencies the BJP is desperately trying to woo. And he has the advantage of being an excellent speaker in Hindi which is vital for a north Indian-dominated party like the BJP.

Although he is low-profile, he is very close to Advani and many in the party feel that he would make an effective number two. Advani would function unhindered as a super president.

There are clear advantages and disadvantages to every name under consideration. The choice, feel BJP circles, would depend on two factors: one, the role Advani will assume after his term ends; two, the political situation at the Centre in September-October when the decision has to be made.

Ultimately, the party may even fall back on Vajpayee who is obviously the safest option. Or it may produce a dark horse. The choice rests with the RSS triumvirate which will give the final nod after consultations with Vajpayee and Advani.