Opinion What not to learn from India

The United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF) has come forward to support the National Coalition against Racial Discrimination (NCARD) in Nepal. The recipient sounds almost like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) — founded in the early 20th century for the rights of black Americans. Nepal,with more than 80 per cent of the population as Hindus,has no doubt treated Dalits as ‘untouchables’ despite the existence of a 46-year old law banning it,and done little for their social,economic and educational uplift. All the castes,not just the Brahmins and Chhetris but also ethnic groups,have been equally responsible in that discrimination. But the current initiative against ‘racial discrimination’  attempts to bring all the castes together as collective victims of racial discrimination and the Brahmins and Chhetris as the perpetrators of that crime. An advertisement meant for hiring experts for the campaign also says that those belonging to the discriminated communities will be given priority — that means exclusion of the candidates belonging to the castes projected as discriminators.

With growing demands for the creation of caste and ethnicity-based states when Nepal goes federal,there is a tendency to invent new cases to prove how the state has belonged to a small section in the past. This tendency seeks to magnify the existing socio-economic disparities and misinterpret them as ‘racial discrimination’. The UN and the international system’s instant support to such campaigns projects Nepali society as one full of racial discrimination,like the ones that existed in the US until the mid-sixties,or in South Africa during apartheid. Internal factors and politics have contributed to the rise of such misgivings. The left parties,mainly the Maoists,don’t recognise the existence of a demarcation line between caste and class in Nepal. In fact,they treat almost all the castes — save Brahmins and Chhetris — as the victims. Hinduism and the two upper castes within its folds are identified with the old state,listing the rest as ‘oppressed and racially discriminated’. They are using,and in fact exploiting the agony that the Dalits went through,putting themselves in the category of Dalits by  projecting themselves as the victims of the past. There are around 100 ethnic groups in Nepal. Such a gang-up,and easy recognition by the international agencies as ‘racially discriminated’,has also triggered an opposite,if not equal,reaction or social alliance of the ‘upper castes’ with the possibility of religious and communal fundamentalism emerging as its by-product. No one thought that the country’s switch to federalism and the unforeseen emergence of caste as a dominant political feature,would invite so much trouble and uncertainty. Federalism was mainly perceived as an administrative-cum-geographical issue with the general perception that it’s a simple and easy way of enforcing the long-cherished devolution of power,and far better than the unitary model that Nepal has had through out.

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In fact,the movement for ‘One Madhesh One Pradesh’ as a single province in a proposed federal Nepal triggered reactions from several regional and ethnic groupings. Madhesh — comprising 22 districts in the plains of Nepal,accounting for 24 per cent of the total area and 48 per cent of the population congruous to north and eastern India — would be the biggest and dominant province if such a demand is accepted. But political parties have not yet come together on what should constitute the basis of federalism and formation of the provinces. The aboriginals in Terai,mainly the Tharus,have vociferously opposed the demand for ‘One Madhesh One Pradesh’,saying the formation of a state of that size would go against the very concept of federalism,and would be impractical as well.

The proposed movement against racial discrimination plans to unite groups,both from the hills and the plains. It intends to ensure their ‘equal status’ and rights in the new constitution. But the state has become so weak that its ability or capacity to deliver has already come under question.  Its ability to enforce its primary duties — state security and law and order — have suffered a massive erosion. Castes no more remain mere social strata,but have assumed the form of major determinants of the new constitution and the model of future governance as well as federalism. The different  groups demanding separate ethnic states with the right to self-determination,and the endorsement of such demands by the Maoists — all in the name of  progressive politics — reinforces that fear. As an initial reaction to this consolidation,Brahmins and Chhetris — the two upper castes — have ganged up in many places to resist any onslaught on them. The Chhetris constitute 17 per cent of the population,are the biggest ‘caste’,and yet feel marginalised.

The erosion of the state,and a lack of will,vision and character on the part of political parties to discourage caste-based politics, are making people more cynical and frustrated. A miracle can perhaps save Nepal,but it won’t come from the politics that is being pursued today.

yubharaj.ghimire@expressindia.com