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This is an archive article published on January 8, 2012
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Opinion Parallel Paralyses

Just when everyone was recovering from New Year’s eve celebrations,the UPA-II government slipped in a step liberalising the economy

January 8, 2012 02:01 AM IST First published on: Jan 8, 2012 at 02:01 AM IST

Just when everyone was recovering from New Year’s eve celebrations,the UPA-II government slipped in a step liberalising the economy. This was to allow foreign investors to hold equity in Indian companies. If only they had done the same with FDI,no one would have been any wiser since that too required only an Executive decision.

Of course,the government did not dare do that and hastily withdrew their decision soon after the PM had announced it. As Pranab Mukherjee explained,they knew they did not have the strength to pass it in the Lok Sabha nor face a mid-term election. Indeed,a lot of the policy paralysis can be explained in terms of coalition politics since the Congress cannot control either the TMC nor the NCP and the DMK is only held in thrall due to Kanimozhi. In UPA-1,the Left supported from outside and dictated their demands in a reasonable way. But Didi plays rough. I had warned at the time of Singur that the Congress was playing with fire in clutching TMC to its bosom to get rid of the CPM. Now they know.

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So on the Executive side,FDI,Pensions,Food Security,Land Acquisition are all hanging fire because Didi holds the veto. It is unlikely that she will relent. She does not need the Congress any more; the Congress needs her desperately. Sharad Pawar will also choose his moment to cut loose.

There is some whistling in the dark on part of Congressmen that come state elections,the Congress will win enough seats in UP,Punjab and Uttarakhand to redress the imbalance in the Rajya Sabha. This is a false hope. Even the irresistible charms of Rahul Gandhi will not give the Congress much beyond 50 seats in UP. With the RLD,the total may breach 75 but that is it. Mayawati may yet end up as the leader of the largest single party rather than Mulayam Singh. (Have you noticed how many cases the CBI is pursuing in UP since the CEC announced the dates for polling? Should the CBI not be considered a part of the Congress electoral strategy and banned from acting in states where there is polling?) In that case,she may go with the BJP rather than the Congress. Congress dreams of forming a coalition government with the Samajwadi Party may just stay that. The logjam in the Rajya Sabha may not be resolved by midsummer.

The abusive exchanges between the Congress and the BJP assure us that the policy paralysis will be accompanied by parliamentary paralysis. This was obvious even on December 27 in the Lok Sabha when the Congress parliamentary managers failed even to summon their own numbers, much less a two-thirds majority. The Rajya Sabha mess only put Dr Ansari in a bad situation. In the House of Commons,the Speaker can on his own or after consultation with the chief whips of government and Opposition,decide to extend the session. In the House of Lords,the House controls its times in a similar manner. The notion that the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha needs the Cabinet’s permission or even the President’s say-so to let the session go on beyond midnight shows the extent to which Indian Parliament has given up its rights to the Executive.

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Indian parliament,unlike the British,is also shy of having votes where the House will divide and votes will be counted. In the House of Lords,it is open to any member to challenge the Lord Speaker’s decision on a voice vote and insist on a division. Votes are counted in formal divisions and names of Peers voting for and against are known. With a voice vote which Lok Sabha favours,Anna Hazare will never find out who votes against the Lokpal Bill.

If the Government will not change parliamentary rules,it better change its behaviour. If India is to escape the dual paralyses,there must be constant backroom parleys between the Congress and the BJP as was the case when the Sense of the House Resolution was passed last August. That was Parliament at its best; last week it was Parliament at its weakest. It is not a question of whose fault it was; it is a question of whether there will be any progress in Indian politics.

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