Opinion Subhas Chandra Bose, beyond the selective imagination of the BJP

But what remains unknown is his vision of a united India with a secular ethos till the end of his life. Secularism in a multi-religious country like India does not mean absence of religion but state neutrality to religion, and that means acceptance and space for all religious groups. As a student of philosophy, Subhas studied various religious doctrines and like M K Gandhi, he imbibed inspiration from the essence of all. While narrating his journey in search of spiritualism in an article titled, “My Faith (Philosophical)”, he conclusively felt that “the essential nature of reality is LOVE. LOVE is the essence of the Universe and is the essential principle in human life.” Most importantly, he kept his religious faith within his private domain, never publicised or used for mass mobilisation.

As early as in 1928, he spoke on the idea of “cultural rapprochement” with all religious communities. In an address at Poona, he said, “Fanaticism is the greatest thorn in the path of cultural intimacy, and there is no better remedy for fanaticism than secular and scientific education.” There are many lesser known anecdotes in his life which show how he implemented his idea in practice.  As the Chief Executive Officer of Calcutta Corporation in 1924, Subhas appointed 25 Muslims out of 33 posts for which he was publically criticised  by the right-wing Hindus of that period. He, however, defended his position by asserting that Hindus had been enjoying “a sort of monopoly” so far. This action was appreciated by Gandhi as a “creditable performance.” On this issue, his idea was very similar to that of Gandhi. His Presidential Address at Haripura Congress session in 1938 and many of his speeches stressed on the need to improve the relationship between Hindus and Muslims.

His rift with Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru in late thirties is widely known. It was the fallout of a long-drawn ideological tussle between the right and left wing within the Congress. It created a political situation of no return for Subhas. His re-election as President in Tripuri in 1939 actually tarnished his relationship with both Gandhi and Nehru. At that juncture, Gandhi under the pressure of the right-wing stalwarts opposed the candidature of Subhas, even ignoring Rabindranath Tagore’s request.  Subhas was also shocked at the neutral position taken by Nehru, who was with the leftists and ideologically closer to him. On March 28, 1939, Subhas wrote a long letter to Nehru expressing his anguish over his unexpected silence at a time when right-wingers like Sardar Patel were vocally up in arms against Subhas. He wrote, “Was there nothing wrong in Sardar Patel making full use of the name and authority of Mahatma  Gandhi for electioneering purposes? Was there nothing wrong in Sardar Patel stating that my re-election would be harmful to the country’s cause?” Nehru being apprehensive about an imminent split within the Congress at a critical time of the country remained non-committal.

Subhas got disillusioned and on June 22, 1939 formed a leftist outfit, Forward Bloc, to consolidate all the Left groups. In his discourse to justify its formation, he explained the meaning and significance of leftism and also talked about the reconstruction of free India on a socialist structure.

What made him take the path of an armed struggle with the help of foreign powers? His disillusionment and the loss of faith in Gandhian non-violent struggle, and the sluggish and casual attitude of the national leaders was a definite reason — but one totally overlooked so far is the failure to convince both Mohammad Ali Jinnah, President of the Muslim League and V D Savarkar, President of Hindu Mahasabha, to form a united front to bargain with the British. His suggestion to Jinnah in a couple of interviews for a united struggle proved meaningless. Jinnah did not give any importance to Subhas’s proposal that “in the event of such a united struggle taking place, Mr. Jinnah would be the first Prime Minister of Free India.” Similarly Subhas was disappointed with Savarkar. He wrote in his book, The Indian Struggle: “Mr Savarkar seemed to be oblivious of the international situation as [he] was only thinking how Hindus could secure military training by entering Britain’s Army in India.”  On the basis of these interviews, Subhas concluded that “nothing could be expected from either the Muslim League or the Hindu Mahasabha.”

Finally, Subhas found the international war crisis an opportunity to overthrow the British. He was convinced that Indian independence would not come as “a gift from a future Labour government of Britain”. He chalked out a plan to escape from India to launch an armed struggle with the help of a foreign power to overthrow the British. It was on the night of January 16, 1941 that he finally escaped to Europe via Kabul taking everybody by surprise.

The tale of Azad Hind Fauj — recruiting soldiers, men and women from all religious and linguistic communities — is an inspiring story of a courageous man with one single mission: To attain his country’s freedom. The complexities of the global war brought him closer to the axis powers. The entry of Japan into the war in alliance with Germany and Italy, and the subsequent fall of Singapore and the surrender of the British to the Japanese on February 15, 1942 made Subhas very optimistic about his plan. On February 19, 1942, he made his first public broadcast to India through his Azad Hind Radio. Thereafter, the Indian public keenly followed whereabouts of Subhas’s routes and plan of Delhi Chalo with great eagerness.

His hazardous journey in a submarine vessel from Germany to Asia in early 1943 along with his close friend Abid Hasan is a fascinating story. On reaching Asia, he shaped his army. During this period,  Jai Hind was coined by Subhas and has remained a national greeting since. Gandhi’s Charkha on the flag and Tipu Sultan’s emblem “springing tiger” on the shoulder pieces of the uniform of INA soldiers reflect his political understanding. Subhas organised a ceremonial parade to convey his message of Indian National Army’s “March to Delhi” and chose the tomb of Bahadur Shah Zafar as the venue. In his speech,  he expressed his reverence for Bahadur Shah Zafar, “under whose flag fought Indians from all provinces, Indians professing different religious faiths.” During his INA period, he not only introduced inter-dining and cultural intimacy among the soldiers but also delivered lectures on “Unity of India, Past and Present,” in training camps to infuse the spirit of solidarity and unity.

His ideological position of taking the help of the axis powers or Nazi groups was not approved by most leftist Congressmen or by the Communists, who considered German and Japanese fascism more dangerous than British imperialism. The danger of Japanese fascism looming large on the eastern border of India, particularly after Subhas’s announcement of the path of invasion via Chittagong filled many with worry. In fact, despite warnings from his old friend, the Burmese freedom fighter Bo-Aung San, about the brutal and horrific nature of the Japanese government, Subhas was not willing to change his position and considered the Japanese to be friends of India.

In spite of having a different ideological position, Subhas had great admiration for the Congress leaders, particularly Gandhi. He named his army regiments as Gandhi brigade, Azad brigade and Nehru brigade.  He sought blessings from Gandhi and was the first one to address him as “Father of the Nation” through his address over Rangoon radio on July 6, 1944.

The war came to an end with the fall of Berlin and defeat of Hitler on May 9, 1945.  The sudden news of the setback of the Japanese compelled Subhas to retreat. The news of his death in a plane crash shocked the world and was indeed a huge loss for Indians.

Attempts are still made to highlight the acrimonious relationship of Subhas with the Congress. Unfortunately, he was not alive to see Nehru and Bhulabhai Desai defend the three INA War veterans, one each from Hindu, Sikh and Muslim communities in the 1946 trials. He had ideological differences with Gandhi and Nehru but his differences with the right-wingers within the country and leaders of the religious parties were much more serious. In his article, titled “Free India and Its Problems”, he wrote: “There is no doubt [that there are] pro-British parties among both Mohammedans and Hindus which are organised as religious parties. But they should not be regarded as representing people.” In the same article, Subhas spoke of his vision for Free India with “no state religion” and how it will “guarantee complete religious and cultural freedom for individuals and  groups…..”

His message to Indians on 15 August, 1945 reflects his indomitable spirit. He considered the retreat as a “temporary failure” and remained optimistic. Gandhi felt reassured when he came to know that in one of his last messages, Subhas asked the INA veterans on their return to work for national unity in a non-violent manner under the direction of the Congress.

Finally, Subhas also needs to be remembered as a romantic lover who had a deep relationship with his Austrian stenographer Emilie Schenkl, whom he met in 1935 and married secretly on December 26, 1936. He had to leave her for the sake of his mission to liberate India, but his letters are reminiscent of Subhas as a truly personal and private person. Being uncertain of his future, Subhas wrote to her, “… but believe me, you will always live in my heart, in my thoughts and in my dreams. If fate should thus separate us in this life – I shall long for you in my next life.”

Subhas never opposed inter-faith relationships as he himself chose to love a woman of a different country, different religion, different customs, different language and his love was eternal. Their only child, Anita bears the symbol of that love.

Let the people thronging at India Gate to see the statue of Subhas in military uniform remember him not only for his widely recognised armed struggle, but also for his vision of a united India with secular ethos. And let him be also remembered for his eternal love for Emilie, to whom he wrote: “You are the first woman I have loved. God grant that you may also be the last. Adieu, my dearest.”

The writer is former Associate Professor of History, Maitreyi College, Delhi University