
The pattern in the kahwa leaves has become a little more heartening. After the All Party Hurriyat Conference8217;s unexpectedly cooperative response to the government8217;s Ramzan ceasefire, chances of the still unilateral truce being extended beyond Eid festivities have automatically brightened. On Sunday, amidst rumours of an impending split between the pro-Pakistan and pro-independence groups with the Hurriyat, its executive council hailed the truce and offered to help negotiate peace with militants as well as officials in Pakistan. This provides the requisite prospect of dialogue to lend substance to demands for a prolonged ceasefire. While the people of Jammu and Kashmir have been savouring a relative lull in violence during the Ramzan, an attendant fear has been voiced that without agreement of the contours of the dialogue process, the gains of recent weeks will fade away. The Hurriyat8217;s offer to play intermediary is a good start in addressing this. If true, the government8217;s reported decision to allow Hurriyatleaders to journey to Pakistan to engage the generals is wise; it should be accompanied by a declaration of resolve to now push for an indefinite 8212; and reciprocal 8212; ceasefire.
In all of this, Pakistan8217;s role as choreographer remains critical. Islamabad has still to address New Delhi8217;s condition that it cease indulging in cross-border terrorism, but certain signals are noteworthy. One, for all the quibbling between pro-Pakistan and pro-independence separatists on the streets of Srinagar this weekend, the fact that the Hurriyat unitedly welcomed the ceasefire hints at a prodding nod from across the border. Two, in early December, Pakistan has extended an invitation to Hurriyat leaders to discuss developments. This simultaneous dialogue could, for now, address the demand for tripartite talks demanded by Pakistan. This improvised parallel dialogue, if successful, could then prepare ground for formal Indo-Pak talks at a later date. It is significant that India has appreciated Pakistan8217;s response to the ceasefire by restraining its forces along the line of control. It is equally significant that at a recent meeting of top military commanders in Pakistan Pervez Musharraf is said to haveexpressed concern about their slackening hold on hardline groups like the Lashkar-e-Toiba and that he passed over for promotion some generals with strong links to these groups. Reading a dictator8217;s mind is never recommended, but extracting conciliation from him 8212; especially when he is visibly seeking legitimacy 8212; could pay dividends.
Clearly, New Delhi8217;s announcement to silence its guns in the Valley has not fallen on deaf ears. Much depends on the outcome of a Jamaat-e-Islami meet in Saudi Arabia to assess the clamour for peace in Jammu and Kashmir. Besides, the Pakistan and Kashmir wings of the organisation, it will also be attended by Hizbul Mujahideen leaders like Syed Salahuddin and Abdul Majid Dar, the proponent of the July ceasefire who has been conspicuously quiet of late. It is just as well that all parties understand that second chances will not come by in a hurry.