Rationalism faces realpolitik

The wheel turned full circle on Independence Day when Karunanidhi8217;s son, M K Stalin, who was assigned to supervise a 8216;samabandhi virundhu8217; community feast in a Chennai temple, visited three temples instead. Though he took care not to enter the sanctum sanctorum or participate in the religious rituals, pictures of Stalin8217;s much-publicised community feeding in the temple grabbed space in the 8216;friendly8217; media, and in Murasoli, the DMK8217;s party organ, as well.

For a party desperate to retain a semblance of the Periyar legacy, the signals from the leadership have been rather confusing. The DMK8217;s philosophy has its basis in the thoughts and teachings of the Dravidian patriarch, E V Ramasamy Naicker, or Periyar, a sworn atheist and Brahmin-basher. Over the years, though, the DMK, which claims to uphold the self-respect-rationalist tradition of Periyar, has gradually lost its ideological moorings.

Today, there are few among DMK8217;s top rung leaders who are atheists. P T R Palanivelrajan, a prominent DMK leader, who passed away recently, was known to be very religious. To please him, Karunanidhi made Palanivelrajan the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Minister, after the party8217;s victory in the Assembly elections last May. Barring perhaps Karunanidhi himself, who loses little opportunity in criticising Hinduism, there are no true rationalists left in the party. His own family members are temple regulars.

The DMK has been accused of having considerably diluted its ideology when it broke away from Periyar8217;s Dravidar Kazhagam in 1949. Today, even Karunanidhi, an 8216;ideological dinosaur8217;, is desperately balancing rationalism and realpolitik to retain power in Tamil Nadu. But the Kalaignar 8216;literateur8217;, as he is referred to by partymen, is fighting a losing battle. At 84, he is keen to pass on the baton to his son Stalin at any cost and, in the power scramble, the first casualty could well be rationalism.

An ageing Karunanidhi has softened considerably, say rivals, changing with times. He entered the 8216;family8217; temple near his ancestral home in Thirukuvalai a few years back, raising eyebrows within his own party. In fact, the rationalist8217; Karunanidhi is often quoted referring to his jaathakam his destiny or horoscope.

Over the years, in the power struggle with the AIADMK led by J Jayalalitha, the DMK has not thought twice about sacrificing its political principles. It aligned with the BJP in 1999, sharing power with the party at the Centre until 2004. While the party remained a 8216;sober partner8217; in the NDA, content with pulling strings at the Centre without creating too much trouble, as a UPA constituent, having won with its allies all 40 seats from Tamil Nadu and neighbouring Pondicherry, the DMK has sought to be more adventurous.

So while it is seen shedding its ideologies in the state, the party is aggressively taking up causes at the Centre. Led by the new poster boy for reforms, Karunanidhi8217;s grand nephew Dayanidhi Maran, the DMK8217;s team of seven nominees in the UPA Government is not merely content with ministership. Encouraged by Karunanidhi, they are now insisting on being heard on issues which could help the party build its vote-bank for the next Lok Sabha election.

However, Maran8217;s sudden prominence in Delhi and his growing clout within the party, especially with his thatha grandfather, as he calls Karunanidhi, is causing much heartburn among partymen, triggering speculation about a possible power struggle between him and Stalin, the DMK8217;s heir apparent.

Actually, their territories have been clearly defined by the old man himself: Maran would be the instrument to tackle Delhi, while Stalin would prepare himself for the coronation.

The problem lies elsewhere: With a new breed of 8216;religious8217; partymen forming the DMK8217;s rank and file, Stalin could well be heading a party with a new credo, wrenched dry of the last vestiges of rationalist ideology.