Democracy146;s downhill journey

With the collapse of the king8217;s power, it was only natural that the Terai would want a share in the emerging power set-up. But the government and the Maoists refused to take their grievances into account and branded those raising their voice as being backed by the palace.

Discontent is palpable in Terai8217;s districts. Since January 19, the Madheshi Janadhikar forum, a newly created umbrella organisation, has been spearheading the movement for a 8216;Terai state8217; under a federal set-up, with proportional representation for its people in the constituent assembly. At least seven people have lost their lives and about 50 wounded in an attack by the police, and in one case by the Maoists.

8220;We do not need to talk to them. They are not a political entity8221; is what the Maoist leader Prachanda told Prime Minister G.P. Koirala during an all-party meeting on the situation in Terai. But what initially began as a movement for regional empowerment has taken on signs of 8216;communalism8217;. Houses and properties of hill people have been targeted at some places. Many, including the Indian and British embassies, have warned leaders of the Madheshi Janadhikar that adopting violence as the means for achieving their political goal only defeats the cause.

But this also means that the forum has secured some kind of recognition from these countries. At home, its cause was endorsed by one of the constituents of the G.P. Koirala-led coalition as Hridayesh Tripathi of Nepal Sadhbhavana party NSP resigned in protest over the way the government cold-shouldered the demand of the Terai people.

The NSP, apart from being a Terai-based party, is also perceived as a pro-India one. Its pull-out from the government will send a message across the Terai area that both Maoists and the government are dominated by the hill leadership and therefore are not sensitive to the Terai problems. Secondly, it will force the prime minister to take the forum and the Terai issue more seriously. It will have to review the interim Constitution so that regional and ethnic aspirations get some space.

In Maoist perception, the forum is palace-backed and therefore the prime minister has not been able to initiate dialogue with it despite his public pledge.

Terai is not the only region deprived in the power structure of Kathmandu. This is largely due to the centralised character of the regime during the king8217;s rule. The devolution of power was not at all a priority even though 8216;inclusive politics8217; was the most repeated slogan of almost all the parties and political seminars during the 1990s. But this time Terai8217;s aggressive assertion was directly fuelled by the 8216;dismissive8217; attitude of the new regime, which sent across a message that even post-transition Nepal will treat Terai in the same manner as

the old regime.

The pressure from this movement on the government and the support it could gather, coupled with the resignation of Hridayesh Tripathi, is likely to bring the issue of regional backwardness and ethnic deprivation to centrestage. If they are included in the government, it could send a powerful message to the world: what took violence eleven years to achieve is possible to realise in less than a month through peaceful means.