Opinion Tejashwi Yadav’s challenge: Expand the RJD’s footprint beyond its Yadav stronghold in Bihar

Tejashwi has emerged as the second most influential leader of his party. Earlier this year, the RJD’s National Executive Committee (NEC-RJD) amended the party’s constitution, authorising Tejashwi to take final decisions on critical matters. The move could mark a critical shift in the party’s leadership. However, despite the symbolic passing of the baton from Lalu Prasad to his son, it is too early to say whether Tejashwi enjoys his father’s popularity. A cadre-based party, the RJD needs to give careful attention to its grassroots workers.

Tejashwi has indicated that he has a blueprint for Bihar’s development. However, a heavy reliance on populist schemes or freebies could be unsustainable. To establish an enduring leadership, akin to Nitish Kumar (whose popularity has come down), Tejashwi must focus on structural reforms, including employment, social security, strict law and order, quality education, universal healthcare, effective administration, and robust policing. He also needs to establish rapport with Mahagathbandhan stakeholders.

While public discourse on Lalu Prasad usually focuses on his post-1990s politics, the RJD leader has a much longer record in addressing historical discrimination. The 1990s, marked by the Mandal movement, was a turning point for marginalised communities. Data from the Mandal Commission Report (1980) reveals that SC, ST, OBC, including EBC/MBC, who constitute 85 per cent of India’s population, held only 9.38 per cent of Class I government jobs, highlighting the historical monopoly of the upper classes. In 2025, their representation in secretary-level and central university vice-chancellor positions is around 5 per cent — far below equitable levels.

The RJD’s representation in the Bihar Vidhan Sabha has increased since 2010, but it has a long way to go to have absolute power in the state. The party’s cadres experience an identity deficit and lack sufficient influence, particularly among non-Yadav members, who are often sidelined, especially when they are not connected to alternative power centres. Some individuals close to the party supremo can overshadow cadres and gain disproportionate benefits within the organisation. Cadres have reportedly also expressed concerns that candidates with little mass following supersede loyal members for positions like Rajya Sabha seats — senior party members feel cheated as a result. The internal discontent can alienate party insiders and the public. Unifying faction-ridden state units and balancing the “old guard” with younger aspirants are additional challenges.

Ahead of the assembly election, there seems to be a leadership vacuum in the RJD despite Tejashwi’s ascendance. The state president’s position demands attention, despite Jagadanand Singh’s vast political and socio-economic experience and his ability to maintain discipline and internal order. The party’s presence at the booth, panchayat, and block levels requires strengthening. The MLAs need to build strong connections with cadres across caste groups and support their economic aspirations. The party should establish a good research cell and conduct a survey to gauge how the public perceives the sitting MLAs. The party needs to give better representation to diverse social groups, particularly the SC/ST, EBC, and Vaishya communities.

The RJD’s Yadav support, while a strength in the short term, risks becoming a long-term liability. Members from weaker sections, including EBC and SC, as well as the Vaishya communities, fear Yadav dominance in the state. This narrative may not always be accurate, but the RJD needs to engage with it. Consistent interaction with the Mahagathbandhan parties could help build trust for the RJD.

The RJD’s cadre and leadership have limited engagement with Bihar’s and India’s socio-economic agenda, and they often rely on rhetoric rather than facts and data. The party also appears to be facing an intellectual crisis – this has meant it has failed to engage meaningfully with issues like weak law and order, the abolition of the APMC Act, high migration, poor education and health conditions, rising communal violence, increasing attacks on backward classes, inadequate reservation implementation, unplanned demonetisation, unstructured GST, attacks on the Constitution, and the anti-poor National Education Policy. Tejashwi has promised to mend matters. He needs to do much more.

The writer is assistant professor of economics, A N Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna