Opinion Surviving Ram and Laxman
The BJP prides itself that,unlike most political parties,it is democratic and not controlled by a single family. But this very...
The BJP prides itself that,unlike most political parties,it is democratic and not controlled by a single family. But this very strength transforms into a weakness when it comes to a change of guard at the top. In political families like the Gandhis,the Abdullahs,the Badals and the Karunanidhis the succession issue in the party is smoothly sorted out with everyone speaking in one voice. The BJP,in contrast,has no structured succession plan in the post-Advani/ Vajpayee era.
Those two titans controlled the fortunes of the Jana Sangh and the BJP for half a century. And like the proverbial banyan tree,under their shadow no one else was allowed to grow too tall and there was no grooming of a clear successor. True,there was rivalry and friction in the Ram Laxman jodi. Advani,for instance,never really reconciled himself to being the perennial number two. But,whatever their differences,they were united in ensuring that no third person questioned their supremacy. Over the years,one or the other marginalised many a BJP leader who represented a potential political threat. Kalyan Singh,as an OBC and chief minister of the countrys largest state,showed every sign of becoming a political heavyweight; his wings were neatly clipped,and he finally left the party. Regional satraps like Shanta Kumar and Bhairon Singh Shekhawat were not allowed to make the switch from state to Central politics. Murli Manohar Joshi,Sunder Singh Bhandari and Khushabhau Thakre may have been very senior in the Sangh hierarchy,but they were not entrusted with much responsibility.
Except for Vajpayee and Advani,no president of the BJP ever got a second term. In the long line of forgettable party chiefs Murli Manohar Joshi,Khushabhau Thakre,Bangaru Laxman,Jana Krishnamurthy and Venkaiah Naidu several did not even complete their terms. In fact,in the BJPs 30-year history,Advani was president for three separate spells,and nearly half the period. The present incumbent,Rajnath Singh,was installed by the RSS at a time when Advani was in the doghouse after his Jinnah comments. Advani made a comeback and soon he and Singh were running parallel empires. The party president,for instance,had little say in the 2009 election campaign.
The present fracas in the BJP is really more about the struggle for power than establishing accountability for the election defeat,as is piously made out. The 65-plus generation feels that Advani had sidelined them for the under-60s,with the backing of the RSS. The trouble began after Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley were appointed to prominent positions in Parliament,over the heads of other senior leaders. But the real wrangling is over who becomes the next party chief as he could decide the partys future course. Some,like Arun Shourie,have openly exhorted the RSS to play referee,for fear that otherwise Advani will appoint one of his nominees.
In the media the impression has gained ground that the next president,after Rajnath completes his term in December,will be a dynamic and articulate personality who can also be projected as the partys future prime ministerial candidate. But experience has shown that BJP presidents have generally been chosen through compromise and consensus. Vajpayee,Advani and the RSS had to clear the choice and it was not necessary for the chosen one to be a crowd-puller or mass leader. If this pattern continues,the selection of party president would not resolve the BJPs other dilemma: whom to project as prime ministerial candidate in 2014. Advani has finally come to realise that age is against him and he must bow out sooner rather than later. But even if he steps down as leader of the opposition,Advani will certainly have a say in deciding the new organisational and parliamentary party leaders.
Despite its oft-repeated disclaimers,the RSS has always influenced the BJP to some degree. But never has an RSS chief shown his hand as blatantly as sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat did. For that matter the BJP has never been so desperate for RSS help in bailing it out of its current mess. Because of the present leadership vacuum state chieftains like Vasundhara Raje and Khanduri have taken advantage of the fluid situation to defy the high commands diktat. By depending on the RSS to settle its fractious war of succession,the BJP has surrendered some of its independence,something Vajpayee and Advani had resisted all along. By leaving itself at the mercy of the RSS,an anachronistic organisation,which is out of sync with modern times,the BJP could lose its position as a mainline opposition political party. In any case,the RSS intervention is unlikely to throw up a magical solution.
In the past,RSS nominees for party president have not been inspired. After all,Rajnath Singh was one of them.
coomi.kapoor@expressindia.com
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