Opinion Mani Shankar Aiyar writes on Bharat Jodo Yatra: It must unite the nation, before it can transform the state

The immediate objective must be, as Palshikar points out, to “(re-unite) India” by removing “the glue of hate, imagined victimhood and empty dreams” that is dragging the nation to “authoritarian politics”, and ending “the idea of Congress (and the idea of an alternative to the BJP’s majoritarianism)” to “ensuring a truly united India”. If, of course, BJY ends with the end of the march, it would have served little purpose. But Rahul Gandhi certainly does not intend to quit the political scene. His Yatra must be seen in the perspective of a political strategy in three distinct phases: First, the present one of preparing the people for change on moral grounds (as with the Non-Cooperation Movement); then focusing on specifics (as in the Salt Satyagraha); third, clarifying the ideological positioning of the party, particularly with regard to ensuring that there is “no mendacious soft peddling” on issues of communal majoritarianism; fourth, working towards as much Opposition unity as might be feasible; fifth, demonstrating in the coming state assembly elections the advantages of Opposition unity and the folly of Opposition disunity; and sixth, fighting the general elections due in 2024.

Palshikar is right in saying the present goal is to “rejuvenate the party and rediscover our democratic national self”, but only once that is done can we move to the next stages of “reforming the state”. For the moment, it is appropriate that the Congress “remain muted outside the actual route of the Yatra” (except, of course, that we have a party president and a parliamentary party who are definitely not “muted”). It is just not true that there is “a deafening silence elsewhere”. That relative silence will become louder and louder as the Congress challenges the “voodoo of the prime minister”, after the Yatra has prepared the turf, and moves from “attractive optics” to “substantive messaging”. That is the way it was in Mahatma Gandhi’s time. That is the way it seems to be in Rahul Gandhi’s time.

The party must of course project itself as going beyond “virtue signalling” and ensure that the enhanced political standing of Rahul Gandhi “enhances the Congress’ capacity to facilitate Opposition unity”. But surely neither Palshikar nor Mehta expect Rahul to abandon BJY to rush off to Kolkata to inveigle Mamata Banerjee or to Lucknow to persuade Akhilesh Yadav or even to walk beyond Red Fort to Civil Lines, Delhi, to massage Arvind Kejriwal’s massive ego. All that will come in the fullness of time — that is, once the Yatra is over and the political atmosphere heats up as 2024 approaches. That would be the time for the “substantive and impressive rallies” country-wide that Palshikar recommends. It is already on the party’s agenda for the immediate future.

And, of course, the party must be ready by the time the general elections are on us to “actively stand for the oppressed and the marginalised” by demonstrating its “ideological repertoire”, ranging from undiluted secularism, in both inflexible principle and in relation to specific matters of concern to our secular nationhood, and social and economic programmes such as NYAY, to “reform the state’” and restore “fraternity” as the bonding adhesive of our continued existence as a nation and as the injunction laid upon our shoulders by the Constitution.

Marching from Kanyakumari to Kashmir over some 150 days is, indeed, as Mehta says, “a novel attempt to create a new political space”. The “projection of another bearded pilgrim, whose dedication cannot be doubted, who now exudes a common touch and ease with people that comes from genuine empathy” is a major achievement in image makeover. The “effervescence” the Yatra has generated does flag the alternative of “a politics of decency…refreshingly bereft of the orgies of hate that define public discourse”. BJY does reject the “politics of hate”. And that is what will usher in a “politics of hope”.

The writer is a former Union minister