
WHEN fourth standard-educated Dagdu Sapkal came to his city of dreams from Jhawli, Satara district, all the teenager could get was a labourer8217;s job at a monthly salary of Rs 4. He slept wherever he could; there was no money for rent. Then, he attended a Dussehra rally addressed by a man called Bal Thackeray and joined the Shiv Sena. Today, 36 years later, that association has given him a swanky house in Lalbaug, a Landcruiser, wealth and got him elected as a member of the Legislative Assembly.
But Sapkal has already ceased to be the role model in the party: The Sena has a new executive chief in the camera-savvy, Discovery-watching sophisticate Uddhav Thackeray. The days of firebrand supremo Bal Thackeray, then, are over. Superficially speaking, of course.
Still, the change is too marked not to be noted. The upper ranks of India8217;s most rabid ethnocentric party are peopled not by saffron-sporting, tilak-toting sahebs, but by tech-savvy, well-travelled, English-speaking wealthy career-politicians. The ripple effect has travelled down the ranks. While the street-fighters are still semi-educated and parochial 8212; actually, Sainiks, whatever be their social persuasion, are all parochial 8212; many a Sainik has changed his outlook, polished the rough edges, acquired technological skills and become more openly ambitious.
But this is still the Sena. Uddhav Thackeray may be the face of the transformation, but the brain behind it belongs to Bal Thackeray. And the motive is the party8217;s decision to go national before the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. It8217;s no coincidence that Uddhav8217;s sons go not to Marathi-medium but to the snooty Bombay Scottish School.
The trappings have become the must-haves: mobile phones, flashy cars, chunky gold bracelets and rings, jazzy watches, silk kurtas, perfumes and green-tinted sunglasses with gold frames. A passion for photography 8212; Uddhav Thackeray8217;s hobby 8212; is an added plus. So is a wardrobe that can rival that of former CM and present leader of the Opposition Narayan Rane: 500 white shirts, 300-odd trousers, 150-odd western suits and 55 wristwatches.
| SENA SOPHISTICATION 8226; They may speak Swadeshi, but their lives are replete with elements of Videshi. Three of the Sena8217;s front-rank leaders profiled below could set a few fashion trends themselves. Spin doctors agree that the level of sophistication is directly proportionate to the rise in the political sphere. |
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SAINIK MUST-HAVES 8226; Silk kurtas, preferably ochre Story continues below this ad |
Once a party that scorned everything western and modern, the Shiv Sena now says knowledge of computers is an asset for anyone seeking employment at the Sena Bhavan the Central headquarters or Shivalaya the South Mumbai office. And so, many Sainiks have invested in cybercafes. Party milestones are now routinely recorded on CDs. The Sena offices are now the best designed and automated among party offices in the state.
8216;8216;Change has become imperative,8217;8217; says Neelam Gorhe, activist, member of the National Task Force for Women, and MLC. Gorhe quit the Congress 8216;8216;after becoming disillusioned with the leadership8217;8217; to join the Sena 8216;8216;where the party leadership encourages women to excel8217;8217;.
The increased entry of women into the Sena is, actually, a pointer to the change that is happening in the party. Once known for its feudal style of functioning, the Sena is now integrating women8217;s issues into the party ideology. 8216;8216;Hindutva and women are closely connected as the underlying principle is equality for women. It8217;s only natural for Balasaheb and Uddhavji to create a political will to address women8217;s issues,8217;8217; argues Gorhe. 8216;8216;Women are joining the Sena because they feel safe. They can concentrate on strengthening the party, instead of fighting off unwanted attention.8217;8217;
Underneath these cosmetic changes, the sectarian and communal bias of the Sainiks continue to be as strong as ever. While the upper- and middle-level sophisticates in the three-tier hierarchy provide the impetus, it is the lower-rung worker 8212; poor, unemployed and frustrated 8212; who takes to the streets to protest on issues.
Senior Sena leader and MLC Pramod Navalkar believes the emerging political dynamics and changing trends are largely responsible for the change in the party. 8216;8216;Though the old brigade will argue vehemently that there are no changes in the party, the contrary is evidently clear. Yes, lifestyles have changed as perceptions have changed,8217;8217; he says.
According to a number of senior party leaders, so focused is the Sena leadership on its new-age image that it categorically refused to associate with like-minded groups like the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad when they called bandhs on issues that the Sena would otherwise agree with. 8216;8216;Balasaheb is keen on distancing the party from the stone-throwing and the bullying 8212; in short, the violent street image it is synonymous with. Uddhav Thackeray8217;s election as the executive president of the Sena marks the advent of moderation in the Sena. Had Raj Uddhav8217;s cousin, who lost the race for supremacy been at the helm of affairs, aggression would have been an integral part of its existence,8217;8217; says a senior leader.
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SAINIK SIGNPOSTS 8226; Uddhav Thackeray8217;s children are named Aditya and Tejas, so are the children of a number of Sainiks. |
That admission is indication that the Sena could very well be facing a split between its sophisticated facade and its violent underbelly. The anger of the unemployed youth is what propelled the party into the frontranks of politics. It still is its mainstay. A majority of Sainiks continues to be unemployed and their frustration is vented through violent demonstrations and bullying tactics. Not surprisingly, the softening of its aggressive image is not acceptable to this section of the Sena cadre.
But formally at least, the Sena has little succour to offer the unemployed now. Once upon a time, the Sena offered jobs through its affiliate the Shiv Udyog Sena, headed by Thackeray8217;s nephew Raj. With his political fortunes on the downswing, the Shiv Udyog Sena and the Bharatiya Vidyarthi Sena 8212; its student wing 8212; are both defunct. 8216;8216;I have been a part of the Vidyarthi Sena since its inception, but there is no political future for me today,8217;8217; says BVS activist and Raj Thackeray aide.
Insiders admit 8212; in hushed whispers 8212; that the division between the Raj and Uddhav factions has impacted the party quite deeply. The labour, employment and film wings have stagnated; groupism has hampered expansion and Raj-aides have been sidelined completely.
8216;8216;If the party has to grow, these two have to bury the hatchet,8217;8217; says a senior leader. 8216;8216;The numerous wings are disintegrating and establishments with strong Sena unions have split into factions.8217;8217;
Add to the confusion over ideology, the fact that the 36-year-old party continues to be totally dependent on Thackeray, is completely Mumbai-centric in leadership and lacks a face in other states. As Gorhe points out, 8216;8216;Going national does not mean an enhanced presence in many states. It indicates making social politics meaningful at the national level, and being able to dictate terms.8217;8217;
Sena critics couldn8217;t have put it better.