The Pak coolant

India must welcome Pakistan's formal announcement that it will carry out no more nuclear tests. It is unexpected but nevertheless a logical ...

India must welcome Pakistan8217;s formal announcement that it will carry out no more nuclear tests. It is unexpected but nevertheless a logical consequence of India8217;s own declaration of a voluntary moratorium on tests a week ago. The purpose of that early move was to prove, as Atal Behari Vajpayee has said, that India has no intention of starting an arms race in the subcontinent.

As a result of the two unilateral decisions, a de facto moratorium automatically comes into effect in South Asia. It can be taken that both capitals were chiefly motivated by the desire to build confidence and stabilise the situation in the wake of the Pokharan and Chagai series of tests. With the lessening of uncertainty and tensions, the environment is conducive for a broad dialogue between the two governments. All this should convey a clear message to foreign powers who have been eager to lend their good offices to India and Pakistan that South Asia can look after itself. Irrespective of whether the de facto moratorium leads to theeventual lifting of economic sanctions on India and Pakistan, it is a good outcome.

Pakistan has gone a step further and offered to sign a no-test pact with India. All sorts of readings can be made of this initiative. It can be argued it is redundant: an official moratorium is in place in both countries and that should be more than enough. It will be asked why Islamabad has not responded positively to India8217;s proposal of a bilateral treaty on no-first-use of nuclear weapons. There will be dark forebodings about the P-5 acting behind the scenes. And there may be the usual reluctance to let Islamabad seize the initiative on any matter. But, at the end of the day, there are no logical grounds to turn down the offer. When the Prime Minister told Parliament that India was prepared to convert its moratorium into a de jure commitment, he understood it was important in the eyes of the world to formalise a unilateral declaration. India and Pakistan would be reaffirming their commitments not to test by putting theirsignatures to a document. Unlike the CTBT, a bilateral no-test treaty between India and Pakistan need not be regarded as discriminatory. Nor will it impose technical constraints since India8217;s nuclear scientists have confirmed the necessary data for sub-critical tests 8212; if they are required 8212; have been obtained. The no-test proposal should be given serious consideration.

Fears about the nuclear situation in South Asia are being exaggerated by the Clinton Administration for obvious reasons. Under attack by US Congressmen for the sale of sensitive technology to China, Clinton is projecting Beijing as a major partner in Washington8217;s efforts to bring about stability via non-proliferation in South Asia. This deliberately ignores the fact that China is a large part of the problem in the subcontinent. Devising ways for China to play a prominent, ostensibly benevolent role is going to create even greater uncertainty in the region. It is absurd and short-sighted. Domestic politics is obviously driving US foreignpolicy in South Asia into a dangerous zone. India must counter by asserting and acting on its rightful responsibility to bring peace in the region.