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This is an archive article published on March 19, 1998

Say it, forget it

Politics these days is all about one-night stands. Strange bedfellows disappear into the dark, estranged partners emerge hand in hand, rival...

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Politics these days is all about one-night stands. Strange bedfellows disappear into the dark, estranged partners emerge hand in hand, rivals stop an abuse half-way to form alliances. Ranging from the bizarre to the absurd, India has had everything last fortnight. What divided rivalry and partnership was just the night when results trickled out. Memories are short, collective memory shorter. So here is some file-surfing to remind you what they said about each other before and after the polls.

BEFORE

The year is 1996. Jayalalitha Jayaram has no friends. Almost every political party is calling her names. The Congress in Tamil Nadu splits after national leadership decides to ally with the woman many think institutionalised corruption and sycophancy. It8217;s tough to tell friends in such times, but Jayalalitha knows one is her most dangerous enemy: Subramanian Swamy. He lodged the complaint that has led to a DVAC probe into her 8220;hidden millions8221;, and even a short arrest. Swamy had 8220;dug up8221; otherthings: her 8220;links with the LTTE8221;; and in 1995, her government8217;s 8220;failure to uphold the Constitution and corrupt practices8221;.

So strong is the enmity that Swamy claims the Jayalalitha government wanted him in jail for just three hours so that a 8220;sinister plan to internally injure and incapacitate him could be carried out8221;. The AIADMK leader reacts with a series of defamation suits.

AFTER

Swamy stands between Atal Behari Vajpayee and Race Course Road. How? Jayalalitha refuses to send the AIADMK8217;s letter of support to the BJP till Swamy, now one among so many friends, is made the Union finance minister. For a day, she even threatens to keep out of government but later, changes her mind. Swamy, meanwhile, is fretting and fuming again.

BEFORE

It is the summer of 1996. Mamata 8220;the rebel8221; Banerjee is finding that title a little hard to live up to. Sitaram Kesri may be a 8220;bandicoot8221;, but what is life without the Congress?

She has already rejected the CPIM as a 8220;swornenemy8221;. When someone suggests Mamata may be just that bit inclined towards the BJP, she fumes. This is misinformation spread by the saffron front, she claims. According to Mamata, she, along with the CPIM, is determined to stonewall the 8220;progress of the fundamentalist BJP8221;. For anyone still doubtful, she calls the BJP a 8220;big threat to the secular traditions and integrity of the country8221;.

AFTER

Like Jayalalitha, Mamata is busy pulling off deals. She made her peace with the BJP after she split from the Congress. Sure, the Trinamool Congress leader once called the BJP 8220;fundamentalist8221;, but now she knows better. 8220;How can a party recognised by the EC be termed so?8221; Mamata demands of critics.

BEFORE

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The year 1996 is drawing to a close. Those famous Rs 3 crore have just been recovered from Sukh Ram8217;s residences. He has a vague idea of whom the money belongs to, but others are pretty sure, among them the BJP.

The party stalls proceedings in Parliament for more than a weekdemanding action against the then Congress leader. Its MP Ram Naik wants a House panel probe against Sukh Ram. In the Congress leader8217;s home State, Himachal Pradesh, BJP MLAs come to the Assembly with fake currency notes pasted on them as a protest statement.

Later, as other scams come tumbling out, the BJP gets an assurance from the Himachal Revenue Minister to cancel the 8220;illegal8221; allotment of land to the former telecom minister and his relatives. The party also forces Sukh Ram8217;s son Anil Sharma, who is facing a CBI probe, out of the State Cabinet. Much earlier, it had been Vajpayee who had led a PAC probe into the sugar scandal and indicted Sukh Ram.

AFTER

Sukh Ram8217;s crores may be gone but his fortunes have swung around. In the Lok Sabha where a single seat goes far, his Himachal Vikas Congress HVC has won one. The BJP has discovered truth in Sukh Ram8217;s explanation of the infamous raids, and has wooed him over. He has said yes, and given the BJP a chance in the hung House in Himachal aswell.

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Anil too is making a comeback, as the joint BJP-HVC nominee for the lone Himachal Rajya Sabha seat. But what can the poor BJP do? 8220;It8217;s the tied-in-knots poll verdict,8221; explains State party leader Prem Kumar Dhumal.

BEFORE

It is the winter of 1997. Another general election is looming as 8220;easy come, easy go8221; Kesri has pulled down one PM and is preparing to have a go at another. The Left is working overtime to save the UF government, with the CPIM8217;s H.K.S. Surjeet logging the maximum hours. But these aren8217;t his heydays, what with I.K. Gujral ready to do his own deals to stay prime minister. Rumour goes one of the plans is to invite the Congress to join the government. Surjeet scoffs. 8220;There is no such offer,8221; he declares, 8220;nor will there be any such offer in the future.8221;

After the polls are finally declared, the Left8217;s anger increases. When Sonia Gandhi makes an entry into the campaign arena challenging rivals to reveal the names of Bofors recipients, CPI general secretary A.B.Bardhan says: 8220;She has done us a favour by attacking us on Bofors. Now we can put her in her place.8221;

The Congress, meanwhile, is doing its own poll introspection. Says CWC member Jitendra Prasada: 8220;If we expected to gain by supporting the UF, then it has been a great disappointment. It has only further weakened our party.8221; Orissa Chief Minister J.B. Patnaik goes one step further: 8220;The UF has become a liability for the Congress. We can8217;t afford to carry it any longer.8221;

AFTER

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The BJP has the numbers, well almost, but the Congress and Left are not giving up. Or at least many among them aren8217;t. They are ready to shake hands and forget dumped prime ministers and Justice M.C. Jain8217;s 17-volume epic. Alliance is fine, Sonia or not. Quotes of camaraderie are plenty, even comrades are wishing Sonia, formerly 8220;the housewife8221;, good luck.

BEFORE

Gizmos apart, the TDP8217;s Nara Chandrababu Naidu knows it is passion that wins elections. And he is quite passionate on one subject: the BJP. Theparty, he feels, is 8220;only interested in demolishing mosques8221;; has no programme for the poor; and has 8220;joined hands with the Congress to checkmate the TDP8221;.Will he ever support its government at the Centre? Naidu doesn8217;t think so. On February 1, 1998, he declares in Madanapalle: 8220;The BJP has hurt the feelings of over 12 crore minorities and forfeited its right to rule.8221; Ten days later in Ongole, he is more equivocal: 8220;The TDP will not support the BJP to form a government if it falls short of a majority.8221;

The BJP can8217;t be bothered. It feels the TDP has 8220;outdone previous Congress governments in corrupt practices8221; and promises the people it will order a CBI inquiry into the charges against Naidu if voted to power.

AFTER

Passion and promises are history. Logic is what counts, and logic says Assembly elections are coming next year in which the BJP 8212; however 8220;dangerous8221; 8212; can help him, the Congress can8217;t. So the UF convenor rings up the President of India to say that his party will notvote against Vajpayee.

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This is how things stand while we go to press. If someone leaves someone and goes along with someone else tonight, we should not be held guilty of inaccuracies. One night is a long, long time in Indian politics. Anyway, readers are welcome to update this document.

 

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