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This is an archive article published on October 11, 2006

Questions after Kim

Iran issue may become politically live. Different interlocutors will need different arguments

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Cynics will say it is easy for India to heartily condemn North Korea8217;s nuclear effrontery, especially given the Pakistani proliferation link. And it8217;s not-so-easy when it comes to Iran8217;s nuclear brinkmanship, especially given domestic political 8220;implications8221;. True, India has voted twice against Iran at the IAEA. But it is also true that those decisions produced a fair amount of domestic political heat. Since then Iran has been stringing along European negotiators and with India not having to take a formal stand at any forum, the government has been spared political sniping. But that comfort zone is not going to be permanent. Iran8217;s blanket refusal to suspend enrichment hasn8217;t created too many sensible options. Following Pyongyang8217;s provocation, the critical point in nuclear negotiations with Tehran may come faster and/or assume uglier dimensions. India8217;s stakes would then get higher because, as these columns have argued, the premium on responsible nuclear conduct increases manifold following Kim Jong Il8217;s adventurism. India will have to be seen to be the right kind of nuclear power that can be counted on if Iran ups the ante. Foreign policy positions that parse the issue or are full of beautifully worded waffle are unlikely to further national interest.

Managing the domestic political fallout of that kind of foreign policy straight talk will require more straight talk. The first argument that needs to be made is that the Dear Leader has vaporised the always-false thesis that linked Iran8217;s nuclear muscle flexing to, one, India-Iran 8216;civilisational ties8217; and, two, the need for an 8216;independent8217; foreign policy. A nuclear rogue is a nuclear rogue 8212; that there8217;s no North Korean vote bank in Indian politics makes no difference. Indian political players who wish to take particularly obstreperous positions on the Iran issue should therefore be asked whether they would like to be in the globally unique position of supporting Kim Jong Il.

That kind of posturing is unlikely from the Left, which has been demonstrating a different and more mature interest in foreign policy. But it will probably have reservations. Its leaders should carefully look at how North Korea, a major recipient of Chinese aid, has damaged the credibility of China, a country that has received the most positive Left attention. Close identification with nuclear adventurers does not help. That is as true for India as it has proved to be for China.

 

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