Pune Chronicle

The reputations of some of the men and women who have walked across the stage of history have a habit of fluctuating with time, and changes ...

The reputations of some of the men and women who have walked across the stage of history have a habit of fluctuating with time, and changes in historical perspective. Some historical reputations improve with time, others decline. It is the rare reputation 8212; a Gandhi or a Nehru 8212; which withstands the historian8217;s cruel pen. Usually, the diminution is unwarranted, as the case of Gopal Ganesh Agarakar testifies.

Aravind Ganachari, a historian at the University of Mumbai, has resurrected the reputation of Agarkar, a stalwart of the new thought which swept across Maharashtra in the 19th century, and clubbed with similar happenings in Bengal and the Punjab, is known as the Indian Renaissance. He lets Agarkar speak for himself as far as possible, while explaining his short life 8212; a mere 39 years 8212; within the context of his time.

Agarkar was born in Satara in 1856, into a Chitpavan Brahmin family fallen on hard times. His education was funded by relatives and a few Rao Bahadurs working with the government. He passed his BA and then his MA from Pune8217;s Deccan College in 1880, where he also taught for a year. At this time, he wrote to his mother a letter saying that he was dedicating his life to social service.

Agarkar and two of his friends, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Vishnushastri Chiplunkar, concluded that education was the only way in which Indian society and polity could be emancipated. The result was the New English School in 1880, followed by Fergusson College in 1884. Agarkar was the college principal from 1892. The Agarkar-Tilak duo started a paper in English, Mahratta, and the Kesari, in Marathi in 1881, to propagate their views. However, differences over social reform forced Agarkar to part ways with Tilak, and start the Sudharak in 1888. While Tilak gave priority to politics, Agarakar felt that political and social reforms should take place side by side.

nbsp;

Why is this most radical and progressive of men so little known outside of Maharashtra?

The level of Agarkar8217;s radicalism can be gauged from this list of questions he posed: 8220;What were the causes that led to the differences among castes? What will be the effects of the abolition of the caste system? What is wrong if women also decide to remain unmarried or choose to marry anyone at any time? Why can we not give equal political rights to both men and women? Why should we not ban polygamy and polyandry? Why should we not put an end to other forms of government except the democratic?8221; Agarkar vehemently decried caste oppression, supported widow remarriage, an end to child marriage, and compulsory modern education for both men and women from the primary level.

Why, then, is this most radical and progressive of men, who transcended his conservative milieu, so little known today, except in Maharashtra, and even there, only to those specifically interested in this period? One answer, of course, is the fact that he died so young. Except for Gopal Krishna Gokhale, there was no one to really carry his legacy forward. Agarkar8217;s social radicalism was also overshadowed by Tilak8217;s political activism. Moreover, a number of social radicals such as Mahatma Phule emerged in Maharashtra, who effectively eclipsed Agarkar8217;s legacy. A pity, because Agarkar, their friend and ally, surely deserved his place under the sun.