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This is an archive article published on August 21, 1998

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Women's empowerment. Political participation at the grassroots. Assertion of the politically powerless. Feel-good words of this kind have...

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Women8217;s empowerment. Political participation at the grassroots. Assertion of the politically powerless. Feel-good words of this kind have been bandied about ad nauseum ever since the 73rd and 74th Amendment Acts, reserving one-third of the seats in panchayats and municipal bodies for women, were enacted in 1993. Under the assumption that these two pieces of legislation successfully challenged an adamantine, asymmetrical social structure built over centuries, the country allowed itself to luxuriate in the belief that it had played fair by its women. The reality, of course, is far more complex 8212; especially when factors like caste hatred and sexual discrimination combine. The stripping of Mishri Devi, a scheduled caste woman sarpanch in Rajasthan8217;s Thikiri village, on Independence Day for daring to unfurl the national flag, has had one positive outcome 8212; it exposed the hollowness of the official rhetoric.

This is not to decry the very real gains that have been made over the last five years, especially instates like Karnataka, West Bengal and Maharashtra 8212; where all-woman panchayats in some villages have proved themselves as dynamic agents of social change. It was the all-woman panchayat of Kultikri village in West Bengal that ensured 100 per cent literacy in the area. But one Kultikri does not a gender revolution make. Actually there are innumerable hurdles that lie in the way of women entering local politics 8212; and not just the mere fact of having to cope with household chores. Social attitudes, that look askance at women entering the public sphere, have led, in turn, to the phenomenon of pradhan-patis 8212; or elected women choosing to get their husbands to officiate on their behalf. Too often has local political activity functioned as an extension of mainstream politics, with powerful political lobbies attempting to exert their influence at local levels as well. This results in the further subversion of a system that is meant to engender sexual equality. Then there is the caste factor which has contributedimmeasurably to the process of suppression. Low-caste women, even after being made sarpanches and the like, have to face widespread opprobrium and harassment. Often, it is the frustrated local neta who spearheads these attacks, as the recent Rajasthan incident reveals. The basic illiteracy and ignorance of the woman sarpanches make life even more difficult for them. In several regions, particularly in the north, the overwhelming majority of women continue to live behind the gunghat. The biggest challenge of panchayati raj reservations is to provide such women with a credible public presence.

A great deal of emphasis has so far been laid on training women to assume positions of power. It8217;s time now to talk of training men to accept the rising political profile of women and cooperate in this process. What8217;s more, the state will have to exercise its authority in ensuring that those courageous women who have fought against great odds to assume leadership roles in their community are not denied the opportunityto unfurl their personal flags of freedom, as Mishri Devi so cruelly was.

 

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