Opinion Shashi Tharoor writes: Sergio Gor’s arrival signals that a reset of India-US ties is within reach

However, Gor inherits a relationship currently defined by friction. The 50 per cent punitive tariffs (which rose to this level in August 2025 due to a combination of reciprocal trade measures and penalties for India’s Russian oil imports) have caused a 28.5 per cent drop in Indian exports to the US. Even peace in Ukraine, if it leaves India at 25 per cent, gives Indian exporters a significant disadvantage against rivals like Thailand, Vietnam, Indonesia and Bangladesh, who are tariffed between 15 and 19 per cent. While other officials are conducting the trade negotiations, his primary challenge as ambassador is to resolve this tariff war in ways that his hosts can accept, but without appearing to compromise on Trump’s “America First” agenda.

The challenges are undeniably steep. The tariff wall, along with disputes over market access and India’s pragmatic energy ties with Russia, has transformed the economic landscape from one of cooperation to one of caution. For Gor, the immediate priority is clear: He must act as the chief restructuring officer of the relationship, shifting the focus from perceived punishment to persistent partnership. However, his arrival signals that the path to a grand reset is within reach — and Washington holds the keys to a few significant wins that could define Gor’s tenure as a success from the outset.

On his first day in New Delhi as ambassador, he announced a quick win — the inclusion of India as a full member of Pax Silica. India’s original omission had been a slight, and no doubt an intended one, but as America’s most obvious technology partner in the global AI race, with obvious complementarities, India’s exclusion meant the US was shooting itself in the foot. Gor’s statement makes rapid amends and will be greeted with relief not just by New Delhi but by the other participating countries.

Second, the revival of the Quad Summit in India offers a profound symbolic opportunity. India’s turn at hosting the summit, delayed amidst the trade tensions of 2025, must come if the Quad is to remain the primary vehicle for Indo-Pacific stability. A commitment from President Trump to visit India for this summit is essential. Gor’s remark that this would happen “hopefully in a year or two” cast an avoidable dampener on the prospects. A Trump visit would allow him and Modi — two leaders who once shared a well-documented personal chemistry that surely can be revived — to rise above the technicalities of trade and reaffirm a strategic vision that spans defence, critical minerals, and “Pax Silica” technology initiatives.

Third, and most important, is the conclusion of a comprehensive bilateral trade deal that ends the punitive tariffs and brings them closer to the 15 per cent that Britain enjoys. Such a deal would signal that the US views India not as a target for correction, but as a pillar of a stable, alternative supply chain to China. Only then does the dollar-for-barrel proposal — swapping discounted Russian crude for US LNG and Permian oil — become viable. But with a trade deal in hand and a presidential visit on the horizon, Gor will find the political capital for such a shift by India becomes much easier to find.

There are, of course, other challenges. The recent US warming to Pakistan has ruffled a few feathers in an India long used to being patted on the back for its democracy while Pakistan’s quasi-military state was merely tolerated for its utility. But President Trump’s embrace of his “favourite field marshal”, whom he has hosted three times in America, together with reports of US (and Trump family) interest in Pakistani crypto-currency and rare-earth minerals, and most recently the Pakistani offer of the port of Pasni on the Balochistan coast, have not gone unnoticed here. Ambassador Gor’s second hat as special envoy for the region may place him in an advantageous position to resolve these irritants. But it could also create a conflict of interest for him, if promoting good relations with Pakistan is seen as being as vital a part of his brief as strengthening relations with India.

Gor kicked off his first day on the right note: “No partner is more essential than India,” he declared, stressing that “it is my goal as ambassador to pursue a very ambitious agenda. We will do this as true strategic partners, each bringing strength, respect and leadership to the table.” Gor spoke pointedly of “a relationship anchored at the highest levels. Real friends can disagree, but always resolve their differences in the end.”

To turn this optimism into reality, he must move beyond the role of a messenger and become the architect of a deal that ends the trade war (which might instead worsen if another 25 per cent is imposed because of India’s trade with Iran). If Washington can quickly grant these two strategic wins — the tariff relief and the Quad visit — Gor will not just be a successful envoy; he will, in his own words, be securing “the century’s most consequential partnership”.

The writer is Member of Parliament for Thiruvananthapuram, Lok Sabha, and chairman, Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs