
India’s declaration of its stockpile of weapons-grade chemicals at Hague on Thursday is both bold and pragmatic. Scarcely anyone in the country has known whether a stockpile existed or what it consisted of. The details will not be made public even now. But it is significant that they will be recorded with the executive council empowered to oversee compliance with the Chemical Weapons Convention and will be available to other signatory states under certain conditions. It is exactly the sort of initiative to take the wind out of the sails of critics of India’s stance on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty both of which New Delhi has stubbornly refused to accede to. In contrast to the inherent biases in those treaties, the Chemical Weapons Convention is regarded as universally fair and this country’s whole posture, including early ratification of the CWC, confirms it. And now India goes even further and takes the lid off its chemicals armoury. It is not essential at this stage to do so. India could well have exercised the option of non-disclosure. But by choosing to lay the facts on the table, so to speak, India demonstrates enormous confidence in itself and in the goals of the CWC. It proves above all that far from allowing itself to be hostage to other countries’ agendas, New Delhi is willing and able to set the pace for them.
At the least it should give the lie to allegations that New Delhi’s nay-saying in the past had everything to do with its clandestine pursuit of weapons-capabilities and little with its claims about the discriminatory nature of the NPT and CTBT. There will still be those who worry that India is giving away too much too soon. Complete elimination of chemical weapons is still 10 years down the road according to the CWC schedule and not more than 50 countries have become signatories so far. And, of course, reversals are all too easy. But if the government has determined, in consultation with all major political parties, that the time is right for full disclosure it could only be because the step will have no serious impact on the country’s security. This makes sense. It means, on the one hand, strong conventional weapons capabilities and a viable nuclear option. Indeed, India’s boldness may well be interpreted as a clear signal that the nuclear option is not about to be abandoned for the foreseeable future. These are conclusions India-watchers are bound to draw. On the other hand, by furthering progress towards the global elimination of chemical weapons, the security environment can be improved.
Among the definite advantages which whole-hearted endorsement of the CWC brings will be a boost to exports of chemicals and the import of technology. Even so, questions will be raised inevitably in the doubters’ camp vis a vis Pakistan. Such thinking has the effect of locking India into the contingencies of Pakistani domestic politics. But apart from that, it will be seen on closer examination that example is the best form of persuasion. India’s huge confidence in going ahead with full disclosure of its chemicals stockpile is certain to concentrate minds in Islamabad. The only conclusion it can draw is there is nothing to gain from holding out from the CWC.

