Last week, Devendra Fadnavis, the governance-focused Chief Minister of Maharashtra, met Bill Gates and talked of AI. Last week, he also spoke of a grave — that of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. Also last week, a new accusation was added to the list of accusations levelled against Muslims by Hindutva forces: We idolise Aurangzeb.
I need not submit my national loyalty certificate to anyone but being a practising Muslim, I do understand the strengths and weaknesses of my community. Of course, every community has loony elements but a scientific poll will show Aurangzeb is not among the heroes or idols of Muslims. But the way Aurangzeb is being flogged, his nondescript grave being made into a lightning rod for loyalties and civilisational pride, it would seem that the biggest challenge we face, as a nation, is the legacy of a Mughal emperor. Nagpur, a city known for its amity, was rocked by violence on this issue last week — this after the RSS, which has its headquarters in the city, clarified that Aurangzeb isn’t relevant.
Last month, the UP CM used derogatory words for Muslims. Then this month, in the UP assembly, a BJP MLA reportedly called for a separate wing in hospitals for Muslims. A senior police officer in the state said people from the community should stay indoors on Holi. And then, the main advocate for the minorities and the disputed mosque in Sambhal was arrested before his appearance in court.
Last month, authorities at the Shaheed Abdul Hamid Vidyalaya in Ghaziabad decided to change the name of the school to “PM Shri Composite School”, and thus erase the name of Veer Abdul Hamid who sacrificed his life during the battle of Asal Uttar in Punjab, where he had destroyed seven Pakistani tanks. Fortunately, the name change was stalled.
What’s the need to keep the communal pot stirring constantly? One can understand the power of emotive issues during elections. But the BJP has won impressive victories in Haryana, Maharashtra and Delhi. What, then, explains the need to rake up communal issues?
What explains the demonisation of Urdu, the language that has and will keep building bridges of composite culture? From Ghalib’s kalam (pen) to Mir’s soulful cry, Urdu is a legacy of love that will never die because it is a tapestry of cultures. It’s the voice of humanity. The Rajasthan Education Department has issued orders for the closure of Urdu classes at schools and said that posts of Sanskrit teachers will be created in these schools. Of course, children should study Sanskrit. But why frame Sanskrit in opposition to Urdu?
After all, Rajendra Prasad, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Raja Ram Mohan Roy studied Urdu, Persian and Arabic respectively. Roy published his magazine, Mirat-ul-Akhbar, in Persian. The colonial state issued gag orders against it because it was seen as uniting Hindus and Muslims.
The love of Urdu led Ram Prasad to add “Bismil” to his name. Similarly, Dattatreya became “Kaifi”. There are several other examples — Raghupati Sahay became “Firaq Gorakhpuri”, Sampuran Singh is known to us as “Gulzar”, Brij Narain adopted the name “Chakbast”, Pandit Hari Chand became “Akhtar”, Daya Chand became “Naseem Lakhnawi” and Upendra Nath acquired the pen name “Ashk”.
There will always be hardline elements who will do their best to drive a wedge between communities. Prejudice and bigotry are among the baser human impulses. What can make a difference is putting political weight behind tolerance. Our leaders have to realise that distrust and hate have never led to progress and development. Instead, they sap the soul of a nation.
Discriminating against your neighbour means giving a free pass to someone else to discriminate against your child. Denying a flat on rent to someone because of their faith means you are giving an excuse to some other homeowner to deny a flat to your child based on the colour of her skin.
Even the opposition parties — perhaps because they have been overwhelmed by their electoral losses — haven’t worked to evolve a vocabulary that mitigates this atmosphere of distrust. Wearing a janeu and walking into the temple is seen as safe politics, not wearing a skull cap or sitting at an iftar table.
The responsibility to stop communalists and pseudo-secularists, who are present in equal measure in the majority and minority communities, lies with us. Muslims should take care of rabble-rousing elements in the community, substitute their leaders with devoted, pragmatic and sincere statesmen, who are willing to solve the real problems of the community without mobilising them on emotional and religious lines. The community needs leaders who talk about education, skills, technology, health and gender rights rather than deepen insecurities and fan hatred.
In the same manner, moderate Hindus must not lengthen the rope to the likes of the VHP or the hardline elements of the Sangh. These elements need to be told they cannot speak on behalf of the entire Hindu community. One of the principal pillars of Hinduism is its generous soul. We need to sensitise our children, whatever faith they may follow, to the fact that tugging the beard of an elderly Muslim man violates the precepts and principles of Hinduism — the Vedas and Upanishads — and, indeed, of all faiths. Similarly, violence in the name of Islam is a disgrace to the faith.
There is no magic wand that can clear the atmosphere of distrust. Each one of us needs to contribute in a small way — the teacher in class, the friend in the playground, the colleague in the office. If we don’t do this, we will be a nation capable of soaring to heights but forever stunted by our simmering hatreds and resentments. Sabka saath, sabka
vishwas is the only way to sabka vikas — not the other way around.
The writer is former chancellor, Maulana Azad National Urdu University