Opinion Presidential elections: An Adivasi in high office

Droupadi Murmu’s candidature is significant, and also limited, in its meaning

As a Santhal woman from a Christian missionary background in Jharkhand, my perception of Murmu’s persona is defined not just by her ethnicity as a Santhal Adivasi but also by her political affiliation to the right-wing Hindutva groups known for attacks on religious minorities. (File Photo)

July 16, 2022 08:56 AM IST First published on: Jul 16, 2022 at 04:00 AM IST

The selection of Droupadi Murmu as the NDA’s presidential candidate has come as a surprise to Scheduled Tribes (STs), who are among the most marginalised groups of the country. What makes the NDA’s choice even more remarkable is that she is a tribal belonging to the Austro-Asiatic ethnic group also known as Adivasis, who reside mainly in the central and eastern states of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Odisha. In the colonial period, large numbers of Adivasis were taken as indentured labourers to Assam and today their descendants belong to a separate group called the “Tea Tribes”, thereby distinguishing them from the tribes of the North-East. The Adivasis also differ from the tribes of the Andaman Islands who are considered the most “primitive” in India.

The Adivasis of India have been marginalised socially, economically and culturally. Hence, my first impulse on hearing Murmu’s name as a presidential candidate was to exclaim jubilantly, “The Santhal Hul will now become part of our history books and Sido-Kanhu will finally get their rightful place.” However, as images of her sweeping the courtyard of a Hindu temple in Odisha were flashed in the media, my response became more muted.

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As a Santhal woman from a Christian missionary background in Jharkhand, my perception of Murmu’s persona is defined not just by her ethnicity as a Santhal Adivasi but also by her political affiliation to the right-wing Hindutva groups known for attacks on religious minorities. During the early part of her term as Governor of Jharkhand (2015-2021), in the Pathalgadi movement of 2016-2018 in Chotanagpur, many tribal villages had resisted the Raghubar Das-led BJP government’s attempts to change the traditional tribal land laws. Many tribals had been arrested and some also died in “police encounters”. Murmu had remained silent during that time though she later bowed to public pressure and refused to sign the Jharkhand Land Acquisition Act 2017, which aimed at amendments to the CNT and SPT Acts.

By contrast, another controversial Bill — the anti-conversion Bill, also known as the Jharkhand Freedom of Religion Act 2017 — was passed by her without demur. This Act criminalised religious conversion to Christianity and, by extension, also criminalised the welfare and educational institutions run by Christians in Jharkhand. Both these Acts had targeted tribals but while the land laws were finally left untouched, many Christian schools providing quality education to tribal students were vandalised.

Recently, one of my tribal friends spoke warmly of Murmu’s genuine concern for higher education in Jharkhand. Yet, how can this be ensured for tribals without providing quality education for them at the primary and secondary levels? Many ST seats are not filled in professional colleges because the candidates are not found suitable.

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The elevation of a leader from a marginalised community or group does not necessarily mean that the entire community or group will benefit. For instance, as I have written elsewhere, where I examine the elevation of Birsa Munda to a national leader and the impact this had on the situation of tribals: “… despite the many honours bestowed on Birsa Munda at high places, there has not been much change in the situation of tribal people at the grassroots level. The basic motivations behind tribal rebellions, i.e., Jal, Jangal aur Zameen (water, forest and land) remain the same. Hence, the fight by the tribal people of India will probably continue until a radical change is made in the government’s policy towards them.” (‘The Johar Journal’, Vol. II, January-June 2021).

Finally, the Constitution of India makes the president the nominated head of state while vesting all the real powers in the prime minister and council of ministers, who are the elected representatives of the people. The awareness of being a nominated head who owed his high office to the prime minister’s largesse had led another president in the past to say publicly that he would sweep the floor if the prime minister asked him to.

The only thing I can dare to hope for is that the chequered history of India’s tribal people might enter the public discourse through her. For, though she lacks agency while in office, she can still be a catalyst for change simply by occupying the office of president.

On behalf of all my tribal friends, I extend my best wishes to her on reaching this high office. Johar!

The writer, a Santhal poet, scholar and translator, is Associate Professor in the Department of English, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. She publishes an online journal on tribal issues, with focus on tribal literatures in translation, titled The Johar Journal