
Avowed market champion and Union minister of State for Commerce Jairam Ramesh recently surprised all airing his concerns about Free Trade Areas FTAs. His example for the alleged perils of free trade was the collapse Kerala8217;s cash crop farming. 8220;Our free trade agreement with Sri Lanka may benefit India and Sri Lanka but may not have a positive impact on the state of Kerala,8221; he had said.
His colleagues in the Congress say he is cultivating a left of centre image for himself.
The key to Ramesh8217;s newfound love for barriers perhaps is that he and commerce minister Kamal Nath are locked in a turf war in the ministry and the Left considers him one minister who 8220;has the least regard for the NCMP.8221;
Kerala8217;s cash crop sector is a matter of serious Left concern and Ramesh is in regular contact with CPM seniors.
In fact, there is an increasing tendency among Congress leaders to play to the Left gallery as a tool to negotiate intra-party strife.
8220;Dear Comrade, Lal Salaam,8221; was how Panchayati Raj Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar signed a copy of his book 8220;Confessions of a Secular Fundamentalist8221; sent to CPI leader D Raja last month.
8220;I seek the cooperation of all secular people and the civil society in fighting communal elements,8221; said HRD minister Arjun Singh recently amid the controversy generated by his quota proposals.
8220;CPM leader Sitaram Yechury8217;s seven-point formula should be the basis of India8217;s approach on Nepal,8221; former external affairs minister Natwar Singh had said, terming the government initiatives inadequate.
All three8212;Arjun, Natwar and Aiyar8212;feel sidelined by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. All had seen better days, consider Manmohan an usurper and so never miss an opportunity to pronounce their Leftist credentials, juxtaposing themselves to the market-friendly PM.
The Left parties, on their part, had gone out of their way to support the trio in their tiff within the government.
CPM Secretary Prakash Karat declared in late 2005 that the Indo-Iran gas pipeline was the 8220;acid test8221; for the independence of Indian foreign policy. The then petroleum minister Aiyar, over-enthusiastic about the project, was then locked in a battle with the Prime Minister, whose priority was better relations with the US. The CPM had also criticised Aiyar8217;s removal as petroleum minister.
Karat had defended Natwar Singh on the Volcker report on oil-for-food scam. Natwar, he had said, 8220;is among the few in the top leadership of the Congress who at least talked about the need for retaining non-alignment as a pillar of India8217;s foreign policy,8221; adding others 8220;in the queue for the External Affairs Minister8217;s position are known for their tilt towards Washington.8221;
Karat had also criticised the Congress for its 8220;muted8221; response on the Volcker report and stayed in constant touch with Natwar as the controversy unfolded.
Though the Left intervention failed to protect the chairs of Natwar and Aiyar, Arjun continues to wear his red badge on his sleeve. Rewriting history books, proposing new quotas and most recently, even calling for a detailed study on the Sardar Sarovar displacement, Arjun has kept himself endeared to the Left.
Sitaram Yechury criticised Election Commission last week for invoking the model code of conduct against Arjun over the pre-poll announcement of the OBC quotas. Arjun had received no support from any Congressman on the issue.
Ramesh is the latest Congressman seeking out the Left, and the self-promotion involved is far too evident.
Left intervention in Congress internal affairs is not really new. In the Right-Left debate within the Congress, Left parties had intervened ever since Nehru8217;s time, but unlike their present support to the disgruntled elements, in favour of the official side.
8220;The need for strengthening the Left elements within Congress was an internal dispute within our party,8221; points out a senior CPI functionary. Former CPI leader Mohit Sen8217;s autobiography also recalls such debates within the Communist party. Nehru and Indira and even Sonia Gandhi were advised by Sen.
The current Left influence within the party, however, is not taken lightly by Sonia Gandhi, who certainly has a pro-poor tilt and is alive to the pros and cons of the market.
For instance, while she may appreciate some of the points raised by Ramesh8212;as was evident from her letter to Kamal Nath on April 118212;what is loathed is Congressmen8217;s overenthusiasm to please the Left.
Ask Shakil Ahamad Khan, now director general of the Nehru Yuva Kendra and playing the Left card for while, who was pulled up by Sonia recently for ignoring Congres workers for the sake of the Left.
A ROCKY RELATIONSHIP
A quick guide to Cong-Left in the time of UPA
8226; Sonia Gandhi and Left leaders enjoy excellent rapport. The Left leaders were in thrall to her twin renunciations, of the Prime Minister8217;s post and of the NAC chair
8226; Left-Congress relations warmed over the NREG Bill in 2005 August, but the same issue became a tussle with both groups claiming the credit for the landmark bill. Then came airport modernization and this time the Left merely barked
8226; The closest that the Left came to biting rather than barking was over Navaratna PSUs. In September-October 2005 the Left-Congress relations touched their lowest point over the question of BHEL disinvestment. As the government pushed ahead with the proposal, the Left began boycotting the UPA-Left coordination meetings. The issue was resolved after Sonia Gandhi vetoed the disinvestments; Left resumed attending the coordination meeting
8226; More strains earlier this year following India8217;s strategic partnership with US and the stand on Iran. When the Congress stood its ground, the Left made it a campaign issue in Kerala and West Bengal, the only two states where both are in straight fight with each other. Congress8217;s pro-America tilt helped the Left win large segments of Muslim votes 8212; VKG
varghese.georgeexpressindia.com