Uniform Military Code

Most Indians have grown up to believe that our all-volunteer defence forces are apolitical, professional, disciplined and a true symbol of n...

Most Indians have grown up to believe that our all-volunteer defence forces are apolitical, professional, disciplined and a true symbol of national integration. But in the numbers game at least it does not seem so. What impact does this have on their performance in ethnic violence? The central thesis of the MIT-based author, in a rather oversimplified manner, seems to be that the Muslim population in the army was 30-36 per cent before Independence, but now is a mere 2 per cent. He leaves an impression that somehow this is part of a grand strategy to deny Muslims their rightful place.

While an element of bias is inevitable in any large organisation, one wishes the author had explored the causes beyond the assertions of discrimination and lack of trust. Khalidi is firm in concluding that lack of education and development among the Muslim community of India and lack of desire to serve in the military are the real reasons for their low participation in the defence forces and police. This is an area waiting to be explored and resolved for the sake of a plural India. After all, India would not be India if its citizens do not have, or use, equal rights and opportunities.

Khalidi8217;s central thesis seems to be that Muslims account for a mere 2 per cent of the army8217;s personnel. He implies that somehow this is part of a grand strategy

Most Muslim soldiers in the pre-Independence army came from undivided Punjab, NWFP and Baluchistan, and one-third of that army went across to Pakistan upon Partition, leaving a mere 2-3 per cent Muslims in the post-Independence Indian Army. That it has remained that way five decades later requires honest introspection by all Indians to answer the question, why is the proportion so low when Muslims constitute over 12 per cent of the population? After all, no defence force short of 15,000 officers, leave alone a permanently over-committed army like ours, can afford to deny recruitment to the second largest national group. What is even more important is that there is no evidence the author does not produce any that there has been conscious, leave alone widespread, discrimination in denying Muslims the right and opportunity to join the defence forces. Those who have chosen to do so have done extremely well, and brought great honour to the defence forces, many laying down their lives in the defence of the country and fighting Pakistani aggressions. The outstanding record of the Jammu 038; Kashmir Light Infantry including during the 15 years of militancy is symptomatic. In fact, every bit of evidence points to the nation8217;s faith in the impartiality of the Indian defence forces in dealing with ethnic disturbances 8212; hence the army is drawn into the task so frequently, at great cost to itself.

In the second part of the study dealing with the police, the author puts his finger at the core of the problem: that secular and efficient governance inevitably has provided impartial, non-partisan and neutral law enforcement in pre-empting communal violence and controlling it, regardless of the ethnic composition of the state or central police force. And here lies the beacon light for the future.

If this loosely written book full of contradictions can prove to be the trigger for delving into the core issues of imbalances in ethnic composition in national services and the reasons for partisan conduct in internal governance, it would have rendered great service to the nation.