The changing winds

Atilde;sup2;f40Atilde;sup3;quot;Lutf aane laga jafaaon mein/Woh kaheen meherban na ho jaaeyquot; I have grown so accustomed to her unfaithfulness that I do not know how to cope with her sudden adoration.

The consequences of how the Indian establishment responds to Acton will be more far reaching than most people have begun to realise. What Acton is demanding of India is a fundamental shift in policy towards Pakistan or, at least, a total reappraisal 8212; assuming, of course, that those who congregated at Acton are long distance runners.

There is at this point in history, a pronounced Russian-American convergence on Afghanistan. Since the Taliban are seen as a creature of the ISI, the convergence extends to Pakistan as well. The Pakistan-Afghan axis is seen as the reservoir of fanaticism which is infecting the Central Asian Republics through the Farghana Valley, on the one hand, and Kashmir, on the other. The potential of this infection is global as the decade has shown since the Soviet withdrawal 8212; an expedition which left behind high voltage Islam in search for causes.

But there is also an area of divergence with the Americans 8212; a minor divergence but an important one. There is universal acknowledgement that New Delhi has made efforts in seeking Islamabad8217;s hand in friendship by embarking on an integrated dialogue on all outstanding issues, including Kashmir. There could not have been a more substantive gesture in this regard than the prime minister8217;s bus journey to Lahore and his visit to Minar-e-Pakistan. For a prime minister with a BJP-RSS background to do this, was symbolically powerful. The ties established at Lahore were snapped at Kargil and Indo-Pak ties were placed in reverse gear with the arrival of General Pervez Musharraf.

Ever since General Zia-ul Haq came to power in 1977, a project of welding the army with the Jamaat-e-Islami was launched. Soviet invasion of Afghanistan gave an unexpected fillip to the project. The result is that General Musharraf, secular though he might be in his private beliefs, is surrounded by fanatics in the Army majors and colonels inducted by Zia are Generals now for whom friendship with India is anathema.

What western observers of Pakistan have difficulty understanding is this: Hostility to India is a project in perpetuity for the ISI, the Pakistan army and the Punjabi ruling elite. It is simplistic to conclude that a pampered army needs an image to keep itself in power. That is only partially true. After the independence of Bangladesh and the collapse of the Two-nation theory 8212; that Hindus and Muslims constitute two separate nations 8212; Pakistan8217;s ruling elite finds itself bereft of a cohesive ideology to justify the Islamic state.

In this situation the manufacture of a double- and triple-distilled Islam, disengaged from the civilisational pull of the subcontinent, Arabised and distinct, is the extremists prescription for cohesion. This process of triple distillation entails the promotion of an artificially simulated Islamic fervour, which can, in turn, only lead to one of history8217;s most intolerant societies. Over a period of time, Western interlocutors have come around to agreeing on this appraisal of Pakistan8217;s possible evolution. Now comes the point of divergence. quot;In spite of all this, a stable Pakistan is still in everybody8217;s best interest.quot; And for this, quot;You must somehow seek a dialogue with Islamabad.quot;

But, as I have argued, the moment Gen. Musharraf extends his hand of friendship, the mullahs breathing down his neck will chop off the hand. So where do we go from here? American intellectual muscle appears to fail at this juncture. Moreover, this intellectual deadlock also represents the lack of resolution of the bureaucratic politics in Washington on the question of Pakistan. For New Delhi, even in response to Pakistan8217;s worst behaviour, a stable Pakistan has always been an article of faith, not for decorative reasons but in India8217;s own national interest.

Now comes this call from Acton. Are these progressive impulses worthy of India8217;s support even though they threaten Pakistan8217;s stability? A malicious view of course would be that a soft belt around Punjab will come in handy for retaliation against Pakistani mischief in Kashmir. But this short-sighted view is unlikely to have many takers for a very practical reason. It is India8217;s restraint in every situation, including Kargil, which has placed Pakistani misadventures in bold relief. Pakistan8217;s diplomatic isolation is on that count.

If New Delhi is not to encourage the secular, moderate noises coming out of Acton because they threaten Pakistan8217;s stability, then what must New Delhi do?

Nothing. There is nothing that the government can or must do at this stage. In fact the hope must be to see Acton as the pressure point to democratise Pakistan, dismantle its feudal, fundamentalist edifices. Let the state watch the dynamics inherent in the declarations made at Acton.

The responsibility lies on the Indian intelligentsia to take up the threat from Acton and explore its depth and reach. Journalists, academics and those who never tire of the second track must engage in dialogue all those who came together on a platform at Acton on a historic day in September.

If New Delhi is not to encourage the secular, moderate noises coming out of Acton because they threaten Pakistan8217;s stability, then what must New Delhi do?