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This is an archive article published on December 4, 2005

Made Over by Marginal Men

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After years of deceit and denial, authorities in Bangladesh are now being forced to concede that the spectre of Islamist extremism and terrorism is growing across their country and have begun to take hesitant, but often conflicting, steps to come to grips with it. Unfortunately, the very nature of politics in Bangladesh would tend to ensure that the Islamist extremist consolidation and the country8217;s spiral into disorder and terrorism will continue. The roots of this process are buried deep in history and predate not only the creation of Bangladesh in 1971, but India8217;s Partition, and the gradual polarisation of communities under colonial rule, reaching back into the cyclical resurgence of extremist Islam 8212; what Hiranmay Karlekar8217;s calls 8220;the fundamentalist deviation8221; 8212; across centuries.

There is, in the discourse on Bangladesh, a great deal of incident-led commentary on the dynamics of radicalisation and political violence, but little by way of hard documentation, data and informed analysis. Karlekar8217;s book is a break from this tradition of intellectual superficiality and irresponsibility, and probes deep into the causal mechanics, the historical roots, and the ideological continuity of a deeply entrenched malaise in Bangladeshi politics and society.

At the heart of the current mischief, Karlekar locates the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh JEI-B, its linkages with other radical organisations both in Bangladesh and in Pakistan, and with Pakistan8217;s ISI, its appalling role in the Pakistan Army-led genocide and atrocities of 1971, its sustained strategy of Islamisation, and its relentless and multifaceted assault on democratic institutions in the country 8212; even as it participates in, and exploits, democratic processes. The JEI-B and its various extremist affiliates and proxies, Karlekar notes, plan to establish an 8220;Islamist theocratic order8230; on the debris of Bangladesh8217;s present plural parliamentary system8221;, and to 8220;destabilise and destroy Bangladesh8217;s democratic order8221;. 8220;The first element of their strategy is the creation of a wave of Islamist fanaticism on whose crest they can ride to power, swamping all their opposition8230; The second element is installing their own men in strategic positions in the government8230; and taking over institutions like universities, colleges and schools to propagate their brand of reductionist Islam.8221;

But how does a force, so delegitimised by its role in the genocide of 1971, secure so pivotal a position in the contemporary politics of the country? How do you explain 8220;the revival of religious fundamentalism and ascent to political power of those who had collaborated with the Pakistan army8217;s savage onslaught in 1971 and who had either fled Bangladesh or crawled into the woodwork after the country8217;s liberation8221;?

Karlekar answers this question in meticulous detail, finding the key to this conundrum in the 8220;relationship of visceral mutual hatred8221; shared by the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the main opposition Awami League, which has polarised national politics and polling patterns, escalated a politics of violence, and created the space for electorally marginal actors 8212; the Islamist parties 8212; to play a disproportionate role in politics and governance.

Bangladesh8217;s downslide has been further aggravated by regional geopolitics, Pakistan8217;s insidious re-entry into the Bangladeshi power structure, the increasing interface between the covert agencies of the two countries, as well as India8217;s repeated policy failures and persistent weakness of response.

How do you explain
the revival of religious fundamentalism
and ascent to
political power of those who had collaborated with the Pakistan army8217;s savage onslaught in 1971?

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Karlekar8217;s prognosis for Bangladesh is bleak, as he sees tensions escalating in the run-up to the general election of October 2006, with 8220;violence as an instrument of political domination8221; securing critical importance in the perspectives of both the fundamentalist parties and the ruling BNP. However, he generally tends to view the Awami League more benignly, as a victim of violence and champion of 8220;a secular Bangladesh with a modern ethos8221; 8212; and there is a certain proclivity to gloss over the Awami League8217;s many sins of omission and commission.

Karlekar has had a long experience reporting on Bangladesh. His book resonates with this experience and with a wealth of detail, and will help fill the enormous vacuum of information on Bangladesh and its crisis of fundamentalism.

 

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