
There is, in the discourse on Bangladesh, a great deal of incident-led commentary on the dynamics of radicalisation and political violence, but little by way of hard documentation, data and informed analysis. Karlekar8217;s book is a break from this tradition of intellectual superficiality and irresponsibility, and probes deep into the causal mechanics, the historical roots, and the ideological continuity of a deeply entrenched malaise in Bangladeshi politics and society.
At the heart of the current mischief, Karlekar locates the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh JEI-B, its linkages with other radical organisations both in Bangladesh and in Pakistan, and with Pakistan8217;s ISI, its appalling role in the Pakistan Army-led genocide and atrocities of 1971, its sustained strategy of Islamisation, and its relentless and multifaceted assault on democratic institutions in the country 8212; even as it participates in, and exploits, democratic processes. The JEI-B and its various extremist affiliates and proxies, Karlekar notes, plan to establish an 8220;Islamist theocratic order8230; on the debris of Bangladesh8217;s present plural parliamentary system8221;, and to 8220;destabilise and destroy Bangladesh8217;s democratic order8221;. 8220;The first element of their strategy is the creation of a wave of Islamist fanaticism on whose crest they can ride to power, swamping all their opposition8230; The second element is installing their own men in strategic positions in the government8230; and taking over institutions like universities, colleges and schools to propagate their brand of reductionist Islam.8221;
But how does a force, so delegitimised by its role in the genocide of 1971, secure so pivotal a position in the contemporary politics of the country? How do you explain 8220;the revival of religious fundamentalism and ascent to political power of those who had collaborated with the Pakistan army8217;s savage onslaught in 1971 and who had either fled Bangladesh or crawled into the woodwork after the country8217;s liberation8221;?
Karlekar answers this question in meticulous detail, finding the key to this conundrum in the 8220;relationship of visceral mutual hatred8221; shared by the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the main opposition Awami League, which has polarised national politics and polling patterns, escalated a politics of violence, and created the space for electorally marginal actors 8212; the Islamist parties 8212; to play a disproportionate role in politics and governance.
Bangladesh8217;s downslide has been further aggravated by regional geopolitics, Pakistan8217;s insidious re-entry into the Bangladeshi power structure, the increasing interface between the covert agencies of the two countries, as well as India8217;s repeated policy failures and persistent weakness of response.
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Karlekar8217;s prognosis for Bangladesh is bleak, as he sees tensions escalating in the run-up to the general election of October 2006, with 8220;violence as an instrument of political domination8221; securing critical importance in the perspectives of both the fundamentalist parties and the ruling BNP. However, he generally tends to view the Awami League more benignly, as a victim of violence and champion of 8220;a secular Bangladesh with a modern ethos8221; 8212; and there is a certain proclivity to gloss over the Awami League8217;s many sins of omission and commission.
Karlekar has had a long experience reporting on Bangladesh. His book resonates with this experience and with a wealth of detail, and will help fill the enormous vacuum of information on Bangladesh and its crisis of fundamentalism.