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This is an archive article published on September 19, 2007

God146;s many colours

Indian state8217;s handling of faith issues have usually been more mature than those of Saudi Arabia, France or Turkey

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In the UPA8217;s handling of the Sethusamudram affidavits, the BJP has been handed an excellent opportunity to close ranks and get back to their comfort zone. Apart from giving them an opportunity to project a united front in faction-ridden Gujarat, it also means that they 8212; at least temporarily 8212; have a way out of the nuclear conundrum, where it was becoming increasingly difficult to take positions and further nuance the nuances.

The relevance of myths is the stuff history is made of. Karen Armstrong, in one of her lesser-known works has spoken at length of the importance of myths through human history. Even Marxist historians like the legendary D.D. Kosambi in his book, Myth and Reality talk of collective memories of a people. Eric Hobsbawm goes as far as to talk of how the evolution of modern nation states wouldn8217;t have been possible but for collective myths that people held onto, which led to national identities being formed.

This piece is not about questions of faith versus reason. On matters like whether Prophet Mohammed was visited by an angel or whether Ram and Sita8217;s exile ended in a battle in modern-day Sri Lanka, the problem is not faith in them, but when believers want material/rational grounds for upholding them. The point is to decide when it is valid to allow a rational test of beliefs and when it is not. The Sethusamudram affidavits have had 8216;secularists8217; on the defensive. UPA ministers, by going into severe guilt-mode, have magnified the problem.

The debate so far, has been focused on where the state must not tread. But in a multi-cultural society, with as many beliefs, it is also important to establish when the state must not shy away from playing the role of a neutral umpire. The secular Indian state has consciously allowed its citizens to keep their faith, practice and propagate it too, but not when it interferes with someone else8217;s freedom.

A successful campaign of turning faith or beliefs into political choices was made possible after the Ayodhya movement crafted by L.K. Advani 8212; If I believe, and especially, if millions believe with me, then it must be brute majority of belief that should win the argument, not reason or title deeds to land. The problem was of course the fact that it clashed with another place of worship. So there were also parallel attempts to find material 8216;proof8217; that the birthplace of Ram was exactly where Mir Baqi had chosen to erect the mosque. Never mind that in the wonderful town of Ayodhya, before the politicians caught on to the city, there were several little mandirs claiming they were Ram8217;s real birthplace.

There is now an attempt to see the Sethusamudram matter through a similar lense and use it to establish a precedent of what the state cannot do. And this is where the ruling establishment, throwing the baby out with the bathwater, is helping their cause.

It is important now, to identify where the state must have a say.

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Historically, it has taken centuries to separate the Church from the State. If the separation hadn8217;t happened, its unlikely that Darwin8217;s theory of evolution would have ever been taught in Western schools! In Islam, the 8216;dark ages8217; set in after a period of enlightenment. The Islamic world was in denial over the fast pace of technological developments till even the last century. But even then they could not insist that Saudi Arabian or Pakistani children would not be taught evolution or modern astronomy.

In a way, the Indian state is way ahead of its time, unlike the Saudi, Pakistani, Iranian, or on the other side, the French or the Turkish state that in their own way, take a stern, non-accommodating and less colourful view of carrying along divergent faiths. The Indian state consequently, has a tough call to take, as by wanting to be inclusive and revering all faiths 8212; it also has to decide when to intervene and when it8217;s a matter of faith to be left untouched.

The commitment to modernity of all our political parties will be tested if they encourage the state to be clear about when to intervene. Scrapping of affidavits by the Centre reveals the lack of nerve. Or maybe it simply reveals that mid-term polls are less of a myth than we think.

 

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