Ending the farce

As the charade of exchanging letters between the Prime Minister and the Congress president continues, there is no certainty when the politi...

As the charade of exchanging letters between the Prime Minister and the Congress president continues, there is no certainty when the political crisis will ultimately end. That the nation will have to pay a heavy price for the indecision of the political leadership is an understatement. A puritanical interpretation of the Constitution may even rule out the possibility of the President stepping in at this juncture. The argument is based on the premise that what the nation experiences today is not a constitutional crisis but a political one. But then the dividing line between the two is too thin to give the people much comfort. There is already a full-blown parliamentary crisis with both Houses unable to transact any business because of the obstructionist tactics of the Congress. Adjourning the House sine die as in the case of the Lower House is not the right step. It is tantamount to playing into the hands of the Congress MPs, who are not prepared to either speak or listen. In other words, the legislative wing of the government has ceased to function. Though the Union Cabinet has been clearing pending proposal after proposal in the last few days, things are at a standstill at the bureaucratic level. Of course, it is only natural if officials consider a measure of political stability as a prerequisite for their effective functioning. The implication is that the executive too is paralysed.

Needless to say, a serious problem is at hand. If the Congress and the United Front engage themselves in buying further time, the crisis will prolong with disastrous consequences. Steps will have to be taken to avert such a situation even if it calls for a new interpretation of constitutional provisions. President K.R. Narayanan8217;s promise to BJP leaders that he will consult the Opposition before the Lok Sabha is dissolved suggests that he will adopt a holistic approach in resolving the tangle. Such a stance presupposes that the President will not remain a mute spectator to the present goings-on. More so when it was on a written commitment given by the Congress about extending support to I.K. Gujral that the latter was sworn in.The inability of the ruling coalition and the Congress to evolve a suitable mechanism for consultations with each other despite the solemn promise they made to the President in this regard could itself have been enough justification for Narayanan to intervene. In fact, nothing prevents him from giving them an ultimatum to decide one way or the other whether they want to continue their relationship. It is true that the Constitution had not envisaged a situation like this, but that does not mean that there is no constitutional remedy. It is left to the practitioners of the Constitution to interpret its provisions in accordance with the exigencies that arise. That is how the Constitution has over the years served the purpose for which it was meant. That the President has powers to deal with extraordinary situations goes without saying. But in the present situation, he does not have to invoke them. All he needs to do is to tell the leaders of the United Front and the Congress that they cannot take either him or the nation for granted. The rest will fall in place.