A moment in Mayawati146;s evolution

This was our editorial comment when Mayawati became chief minister for the second time, after a brief brush with power in 1995 8216;Revolving-door politics8217;, IE, March 21, 1997. It tells you how much she has evolved since then as a politician...

This was our editorial comment when Mayawati became chief minister for the second time, after a brief brush with power in 1995 8216;Revolving-door politics8217;, IE, March 21, 1997. It tells you how much she has evolved since then as a politician8230;

Since conventional wisdom has heralded the era of coalition politics in India, it is difficult to fault either the BJP or the BSP for carrying that process to its logical conclusion in Uttar Pradesh. Charges of opportunism and unprincipled conduct may have a certain validity when viewed through the prism of ideological purity, but they are meaningless in the context of post-election coalition-building. In any case, last year8217;s fractured mandate ruled out all possibilities of any single party or alliance commanding a majority in the Assembly. The choice before the political parties was stark: persist with President8217;s rule or eschew purity for expediency. Six months of stalemate later, the BJP and BSP have settled for the latter. For this belated meeting of minds they must, of course, thank Governor Romesh Bhandari who made deal-based politics look far more attractive than Mulayam Singh Yadav8217;s proxy rule.

That the resolving door principle on which the BJP-BSP alliance has been cemented is inherently fragile hardly needs reiteration. With Kanshi Ram publicly distancing himself from guarantees and the BJP admitting that the arrangement will be reviewed in a year8217;s time, it is quite clear that the main actors in Wednesday8217;s drama are not inclined to look to the long-term. The BSP will be keen to use Mayawati8217;s six-month tenure as chief minister to plant its supporters in key bureaucratic positions, while the BJP will use its position of authority to chip away at the United Front government at the Centre. Both parties know that another election in UP is unavoidable. The present exercise is an endeavour to position themselves favourably for that eventuality and, if possible, link the assembly election to a general election where the BJP thinks it is in with a chance.

The underlying cynicism which shaped the restoration of popular government in UP rules out any hopes of the new regime putting the state on a new course. All that the electorate can realistically hope from the new chief minister is a series of steps to prevent a further side into 8220;chaos, anarchy and destruction8221;. BJP president L.K. Advani has rightly stated that the restoration of law and order is the government8217;s priority. What he should have added is that law and order is the government8217;s only agenda. If there are other meaningful steps for UP8217;s overall development 8212; including the establishment of a separate Uttarakhand state 8212; the electorate should count it as a bonus. Like the UF government at the Centre which was formed on the hope that it would pursue a line of minimum damage, the BJP-BSP coalition will assume office also bereft of popular expectations. Not that performance in government will affect the showing of the parties the next time round. What really counts in UP is the ability of politicians to bolster primordial loyalties and await electoral dividends. Wholesome governance counts for very little. Unless this political culture undergoes a transformation, UP is destined to retain its status as India8217;s most impossible province, second only to Bihar.