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This is an archive article published on July 19, 2022
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Opinion How Twitter became the new medium for diplomacy

Christophe Jafferlot and Vihang Jumle write: Using the platform yields political dividends. But it may not make statecraft transparent

Christophe Jafferlot and Vihang Jumle write: The lessons we derive from the Indian case have universal implications. Many in the foreign office are adopting this personalised form of diplomacy. (Representational photo)Christophe Jafferlot and Vihang Jumle write: The lessons we derive from the Indian case have universal implications. Many in the foreign office are adopting this personalised form of diplomacy. (Representational photo)
July 20, 2022 08:50 AM IST First published on: Jul 19, 2022 at 10:55 PM IST

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s Twitter handle has taken an interesting turn lately, both in terms of its messaging for a domestic audience as well as for those outside the country. In the past, he rarely tweeted so frequently in languages other than English. March, April and May 2022 saw a considerable increase in Hindi tweets (102 over the three months), even more than his tally in 2021 (72 Hindi tweets). In fact, the score for Hindi has been on the rise yearly from 18,50, 72, and 133 (already) between 2019 and June 2022. In end-May 2022, for a change, there were 11 tweets in Gujarati, only two less than his 2020 total. This is significant, given the backdrop of the upcoming assembly elections in Gujarat. June saw him tweet in Telugu 13 times (for the first time). Since 2019, he has tweeted in at least 30 languages, including 24 tweets in Tamil in March 2022. What does this tell us about the current government’s outlook on foreign policy?

First, it shows that the government sees foreign policy as a tool with domestic political implications. This has been the case with the BJP since 2014. The massive media coverage of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s foreign trips is a case in point. The image of him as a world leader that this extensive coverage has conveyed in India has been a major factor in his popularity. However, it is the foreign affairs ministers who have been at the interface of international and domestic politics. Former External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj actively built an effective brand around her outreach that was appreciated domestically. But Jaishankar has taken this modus operandi to another level since June 2019 when he set up his Twitter account after being sworn in. His use of the platform since then has only increased, with an average of 67, 74, 124, 176 tweets each month for the years between 2019 to 2022.

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Second, the increasing use of regional languages (or non-English vocabulary), especially Hindi, is telling of how the government hopes to connect foreign affairs with popular sentiments — both domestically and abroad. His tweets often speak of productive discussions with heads of other states and areas of collaboration, and sometimes have an anecdotal tone, as seen in a recent, warmly-worded tweet — “aap se baatcheet ke liye tatpar hoon” (“always at hand to have a conversation with you”). This is meant to give the sense of a personalised one-on-one connection with his Hindi-speaking Twitter audience at home. The same principle is at work when Jaishankar tweets in a similar tone in foreign languages to expand the scope of bilateral dialogues. By doing so, the Indian state now speaks not only to other heads of state but also with the people of those countries, adding a new digital dimension to its traditional diplomacy.

Third, a tool of outreach that can fit inside one’s pocket (or is easily outsourced) allows flexibility to personalise one’s way of doing business. It makes diplomacy politically relevant by making it less elitist and easily digestible. Adopting Prime Minister Modi’s style, Jaishankar increasingly uses pictures-in-action attached to his tweets and the word “friend(s)” in different contexts, sometimes to address his counterparts. The count of such tweets has also gone up over the last three years. Placed in context, it flows from what he said in his speech at St Stephan’s College in March 2022 about keeping aside the “learned analysis of the state of the world” and, instead, focusing on “what to an average person is a ‘good’ foreign policy”. Emerging communication tools make it convenient to break from traditional foreign affairs vocabulary and add dimensions of intimacy to it. This was not the case in the past and even now, these tools aren’t accessed by most Opposition parliamentarians. It is especially advantageous for those in charge of the foreign office. It is yet another sign that we live in an era of populism.

In this context, it is worth noting that foreign policy is rarely a matter for discussion on Prime Minister Modi’s Mann Ki Baat (on radio), which reaches the grass roots. On the other hand, the only beneficiaries of this emerging personalised communication are the 23.6 million Twitter users in India, perhaps largely scattered in urban areas with decent literacy levels, which also happen to be the BJP’s political stronghold. Is foreign policy emerging as an effective political mobiliser? That remains to be seen.

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The lessons we derive from the Indian case have universal implications. Many in the foreign office are adopting this personalised form of diplomacy. And why shouldn’t they? The popular dividends they derive are tremendous, including internationally. Who in India wouldn’t be pleased to know that the Australian prime minister cooked samosas (in 2020)? This addition of intimacy to foreign relations works both ways (but doesn’t necessarily make the process less opaque). What remains to be seen is if the increased involvement of the populace in foreign affairs leads to its democratisation. Statecraft has traditionally been a specialised, elite job — and for good reasons. A potential politicisation of foreign policy might end up adding more ambiguity to the world order.

Jumle is a public policy student in Berlin, Germany. Jaffrelot is senior research fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, professor of Indian Politics and Sociology at King’s India Institute, London, and non-resident scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

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