Almost one month has passed since Syrians first took to the streets. Daraa has become the epicentre of unrest and in the latest wave of anti-government protests at least 40 died on Friday. President Bashar al-Assad has responded with cosmetic changes: increase in labour wages and the inclusion of Kurds as Syrian subjects. Alongside,he has authorised the use of force to quell unrest.
Syria is a complex mosaic of tribes; further denomination sees the country divided on sectarian lines Shia,Sunni,Druze,Maronites and Kurds. Much of the anger on the streets is directed towards the Alawi minority clan that claims hegemony over Syria. It is their monopoly through the Baath Party that has denied Syrians access to coveted positions in politics,military and business. This is the Syria that Bashar al-Assad inherited from his father Hafez not much has changed in the five-decade-long Assad rule. It was hoped that Western-educated Bashar would usher in reform; in fact,a small period of openness was seen during his first year. However,the path to reform,the Damascus Spring,was aborted and the draconian Emergency Law was used to jail political activists. It is this law that ordinary Syrians are chanting against.
Similarities with Tunisia and Egypt do exist in Syria. There is rampant unemployment amongst the youth; political participation is close to zero. But Syria is also different: the state and the army are almost indistinguishable. It was the older Assad that instituted members of the Alawi clan into the army,it is they who would lose out should the Assad dynasty be toppled. In the last real challenge to the government,in Hama,the older Assad authorised the killing of around 20,000 people in 1982 with the army at the forefront.