Chinas trade with America is notoriously skewed. But diplomatic exchanges between the two countries are more finely balanced. On April 3rd Tim Geithner,Americas treasury secretary,tactfully postponed a report due this month that might have condemned China for manipulating its currency,keeping it weak to favour its exporters. Mr Geithner,who made an unscheduled trip to Beijing this week,said he would rather press Americas case at its regular Strategic and Economic Dialogue with China in May and at the G20 summit in Canada in June. The delay puts Americas diplomatic account with China briefly in surplus. What will China offer to clear the balance?
The immediate quid pro quo is the presence of Chinas president,Hu Jintao,at a summit on nuclear proliferation in Washington,DC on April 12th-13th. There is also talk of allowing the yuan to wobble a little more in daily trading with the dollar. In time it is expected to resume the slow crawl upwards that ended in July 2008.
Americas Treasury is willing to bide its time. But its patience is not shared by members of Congress. Last month 130 of them wrote to Mr Geithner urging tougher action against China. After the currency report was postponed,Chuck Schumer,a New York senator,said he would push his bill to slap anti-dumping duties on some Chinese goods and countervailing tariffs on all of them if China did not allow its currency to strengthen.
The tussle in America between a cautious Treasury and slap-happy senators is mirrored by subtle divisions in China. Its policymakers and economists are,of course,united in their distaste for Americas tariff talk. Many can scarcely believe that a country so indebted to China would try to intimidate it. Mr Schumer points out that the Chinese cannot dump their dollar holdings without undermining their own peg,thereby cutting off their nose to spite their face. But the noisy dispute between the two countries is drowning out an interesting debate within China on the virtues of its inflexible currency.
On one side of the discussion is the Peoples Bank of China PBOC,the countrys central bank. Its chairman,Zhou Xiaochuan,suggested last month that keeping the yuan stable against the dollar was a crisis measure which would be withdrawn sooner or later. With Chinas recovery well advanced,the central bank is keen to get a grip on bank lending and keep a lid on inflationary pressures. A stronger yuan would cut import prices; a suppler one would give the central bank a freer hand to raise interest rates,without worrying about the capital inflows such rates might attract despite Chinas capital controls.
On the other side of the debate are Chinas commerce ministry and some members of its National Development and Reform Commission NDRC,which formulates long-term economic strategy. Beyond the PBOC,Chinese policymakers do not see the yuan as a tool to manage inflation. They see it instead as a tool to maximise export employment,says Stephen Green of Standard Chartered Bank,one that they are not yet ready to give up.
Although Chinas output grew by over 10 per cent in the year to the fourth quarter,its policymakers believe they have done a better job of shoring up GDP than of shoring up employment,according to Eswar Prasad of the Brookings Institution,a think-tank. The World Bank says that rural wages outside farms fell by almost a fifth between 2007 and 2009 as migrant workers fled to their villages in search of jobs.
What accounts for this jobless recovery? Much of Chinas epic stimulus was channelled through its banks. But in doling out credit Chinese banks still follow a political pecking order,as Yasheng Huang of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology has put it. They reserve the first and biggest bites for large state-owned enterprises. These firms in turn favour capital-intensive investment projects,which add more to the output figures than to the payrolls. As a result Chinas policymakers still count on the countrys exporters to create jobs,Mr Prasad argues. They are reluctant to do anything to jeopardise their prospects.
How much damage might a stronger yuan inflict? Several studies suggest that Chinas exports fall by about 1.5 per cent when its trade-weighted exchange rate,adjusted for inflation,strengthens by 1 per cent. But if the yuan did move against the dollar,the currencies of Chinas neighbours and rivals might rise in sympathy,limiting the damage to its competitiveness. And Chinas coastal workshops have staged an impressive recovery from the worst days of the crisis,when factories closed and container ships idled in the ports. Exports in February were 8 per cent higher than two years earlier. A few more months of robust figures may reassure policymakers that the countrys exporters are back on their feet.
Some of Chinas rulers,it is true,see no benefit to China from a stronger yuan. But they are also the ones most determined to resist foreign pressure. They would,therefore,back down only if American tariffs inflicted real pain. Theirs are not the only voices in the government. The PBOC recently appointed three scholars to advise it,two of whom,David Daokui Li and Xia Bin,have advocated currency reform. Whether they can overcome the commerce ministry and its allies remains to be seen. But their efforts to sell their ideas will come to naught if they are crowded out by imported arguments from America.