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Journalism of Courage
King Gyanendra8217;s pontificating quotes have marked the skylines on the hoarding across the Capital at the Government8217;s expense. But the monarch8217;s action does not match his words at all. What comes through is a 21st century king with a medieval mindset, desperate to prove that any popular aspiration of his 8216;subjects8217; can be suppressed.
It took years and loss of several human lives for the king to realise that he was losing control. As crowds of hundreds of thousands across the country were marching ahead to 8216;abolish the monarchy8217;, the king relented, and tried to present a brave front. 8216;8216;The Shah dynasty has always ruled in accordance with the wishes of the people,8217;8217; he said in a televised address to the nation on the evening of April 21.
While his sincerity remains disputable, he brought to an end the direct control that he assumed on February 1, 2005. The king, however, made it clear that he was handing back the power to the people reluctantly.
Dr Karan Singh had a lunch meeting with the king on April 20 as a special envoy to Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The message was clear. India was willing to put all the eggs in the basket of the pro-democracy forces if the king refused to hand over power to them. Day after, the king felt secured once he sensed that India, and the western democracies, would continue to extend due respect to the constitutional monarchy. He softened and invited the seven parties to decide who the Prime minister would be.
The country was still burning with fury. The brutality of the security forces against the pro-democracy protestors, which had taken eight lives besides impairing many, was fresh in their memory. And the pro-democracy movement was also gradually taking a pro-republic dimension aiming to end the 237-year old institution. King Gyanendra8217;s 8216;bold retreat8217; 8212; as an army General put it 8212; has given him some lease of life, but how long will depend on how sincerely the king will behave in giving democracy a chance.
Coming after the Palace assassination, Gyanendra8217;s ascent to the throne on June 4, 2001 did not begin on a happy note. 8216;8216;I would not be a silent spectator like my brother,8221; he began to assert himself during early interactions with politicians, bureaucrats, security officials and the media. He had no qualms in displaying utter contempt for the politicians, using people8217;s antipathy towards them as the rope to absolute power.
Despite making his ambition known right at the beginning, he moved systematically in realising it. Exploiting internal feuds among the political parties was the first visible method he chose.
He deftly handled the international community in this exercise. He made it clear that he would need their support to 8216;defeat terrorists8217; read Maoists. 8216;8216;Terrorism is terrorism. There is nothing called good terrorism or bad terrorism,8217;8217; he said at the SAARC summit in Dhaka in November, accusing some countries of adopting dual standards towards terrorism. He was desperately trying to secure the regional body8217;s recognition to his regime.
The sense of urgency, at least from his point of view was understandable. No country other than China and Pakistan were supporting him after he became an authoritarian ruler on February 1, 2005.
The king would be fascinated by crowds. State would organise crowds wherever he went. But he has a different explanation for that. 8216;8216;By visiting different parts of the country, we made honest endeavours to acquaiant ourselves with the hopes and aspirations of our people, mitigate their hardships and boost their morale,8221; he said in his April 21 address.
But hardly anyone was impressed. His tours have been expensive. Expenses for his domestic trips were largely diverted from local development budgets, while that abroad were clearly at the cost of state exchequer. His three-week trip to South Africa and West Asia in November cost the country around 300 million Nepali rupees.
Along with the appropriation of the executive powers, the Cabinet headed by the king has enhanced the budget for the palace. The King imported the first 6-door limousine, besides fleets of car including BMWs and a Rolls-Royce. In fact, his regime made a mockery of his own pledge during the takeover that he wanted direct rule for three years to end terrorism, to promote transparency in the governance and fiscal discipline.
Under his rule, inflation rate touched double digits and economists predicted an economic collapse. 8216;8216;That8217;s our worst fear. Once a country collapses economically, its recovery becomes very very difficult,8217;8217; Indian foreign secretary Shyam Sharan, who visited Nepal with Dr Karan Singh, said.
On April 6, the Seven-Party Alliance decided to begin its 8216;decisive movement8217; against the king. 8216;8216;I want the end of absolute rule, peace, full-fledged democracy and an independent, prosperous and sovereign Nepal8221;, said G P Koirala, president of the Nepali Congress and the seniormost leader of the alliance. 8216;8216;We want continuity of history as we can not survive without it. But it is for king to decide, if he wants full power, he will have none,8217;8217; he said.
In fact, the king8217;s open contempt for the parties and his ambition to rule the country purely with the support of the Royal Nepal Army RNA, pushed the pro-democracy parties to work together with the Maoists towards a 12-point goal. Maoists were looking for a safe-landing and would have no problem working with the alliance if they would go against the absolute monarchy. In fact, India is supposed to have facilitated such an initiative hoping that if Nepal8217;s Maoists join political mainstream, it would also inspire the Indian Maoists.
But what the king offered to the parties 8212; a fully empowered government accountable to the constitution 8212; is not what the Maoists would advise the alliance to accept. With the alliance8217;s refusal to work with the Maoists as long as they would be in possession of arms, the Maoists are under pressure to declare an unilateral ceasefire to explore a more durable peace alternative.
With the king8217;s declaration, India, US and UK governments are also likely to resume military assistance they had stopped after February 1, 2005. But fight against Maoists would go against the alliance8217;s determination to seek a solution of the conflict that has already seen 13,000 lives lost in the past ten years.
The King8217;s retreat is a necessary condition for democracy8217;s success in Nepal. But Maoists8217; support is vital for peace and prosperity. The alliance8217;s government, in all probability led by G P Koirala, will soon face its toughest challenge in adjusting the king and the Maoists as part of the same package deal.
SUBJECT TO PEOPLE POWER
2005
Feb 1: King Gyanendra sacks PM Sher Bahadur Deuba, declares a state of emergency and takes power
Feb 22: India, Britain stop military aid to Nepal. India later resumes non-lethal military supplies.
April 30: The king calls off emergency but retains his extraordinary powers
Sept 1: Nepali Congress drops a 60-year-old written pledge to uphold constitutional monarchy
Sept 3: Government rejects rebels offer of a three-month ceasefire
Nov 22: The seven main political parties and Maoists pledge to cooperate to end the absolute powers of the king
Dec 2: Rebels extend truce by one month; government rules out any matching gesture
2006
Jan 2: Rebels end ceasefire
Feb 1: Street protests erupt across Nepal on the first anniversary of King Gyanendra8217;s power seizure
Feb 8: Low turnout and protests mark local elections
Feb 19: The opposition rejects the King8217;s offer to join talks
March 14: The Maoists begin a road blockade that chokes supplies
April 4: The government indefinitely bans protests in Kathmandu
April 9: The strike, originally called for four days, is extended indefinitely
April 16: The king holds talks with the US, Chinese and Indian ambassadors
April 19: Two protesters are killed, taking the death toll from two weeks of demonstrations to at least eight
