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Journalism of Courage
The All-Parties Conference APC organised by Pakistan8217;s former and now-exiled Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif took place in London on July 7-8 in which about seventy-odd politicians from all kinds of parties participated. After about two days of deliberations the participants managed to produce a watered-down declaration in which there was consensus on two major points: that is, condemnation of the ethnic party, MQM and that Musharraf must take off his uniform and hold free and fair elections.
The other noticeable aspect of the conference was the input of the Baluch nationalists who behaved maturely and gave balanced statements on their position vis-agrave;-vis the regime. Abandoning their earlier rhetoric of separation, the Baluch leaders had greater clarity regarding General Musharraf and the position of the ethnic Baluch in the country8217;s politics.
At best, the conference represented the multiple faultlines in Pakistan, the most prominent being the divide between the religious and the not-so religious political elements. The word secular is not used deliberately because the term itself requires serious interpretation as far as Pakistan8217;s politics is concerned. While the MMA was trying hard to draw attention towards the Lal Masjid crisis and the fact that 8220;our children are being slaughtered by the government8221;, others were less interested in including the issue as an agenda item. In fact, Qazi Hussain Ahmed8217;s emphasis on Lal Masjid drew a reaction from the Baluch nationalists who were of the view that the major parties in Pakistan are not concerned about the repression of the Baluch.
The other and the most significant faultline pertains to the division between those who have no qualms about partnering with the military or a military-led regime and others who want to get the army out of politics. Apart from the smaller ethnic parties no one was interested in severing their links with the GHQ. While the PPP is actively engaged in what its delegate, Jahangir Badar, called a 8216;dialogue8217; with the regime, others such as the MMA are already sitting in the army8217;s lap. The Muslim League Nawaz Group appeared as a fence-sitter wanting to ferment greater trouble for Musharraf but not having the will to disturb the apple-cart lest it also has to negotiate with the generals in the future.
Is such an outcome surprising? Perhaps not. Since the conference included parties such as the MMA, which is already with the government, or the PPP that desires to form a partnership with Musharraf, there was no major expectation of anything radical coming out of it. Maulana Fazlu Rehman was vociferous in attacking the chief justice on the basis that the latter had taken oath under the PCO and could not challenge the dismissal order by the president. What he did not mention was the fact that the MMA was responsible for the Legal Framework Order which gave extension to Musharraf and so he was hardly the right person to judge the chief justice. In fact, the MMA8217;s position is one of the reasons for a weak APC. Apparently, one of Benazir Bhutto8217;s justification for not attending the APC was that a political consensus would have been hijacked by the MMA and then sold to the GHQ. Qazi Hussain Ahmed was needlessly trying to divert attention towards the Lal Masjid crisis which was a reminder of his old contacts with the ISI.
Would the APC give Musharraf a sleepless night? The answer to this is also in the negative. The conference represented the divisions within the political leadership and the fact that driven by their personal ambitions none can force the general out of power. At best, he may have to think seriously about taking off his uniform. Clearly, all parties, if they accept elections under Musharraf even without his uniform, are willing to take the risk of living with a continuously unstable political system in which the army would keep controlling all players from the back seat. At the end of the APC Pakistan still remains miles away from a stable and strong democracy in which the army has a smaller role.
Siddiqa, Islamabad-based author of 8216;Military Inc, Inside Pakistan8217;s Military Economy8217;, is currently in London
