
The Republican Party8217;s comeuppance in Tuesday8217;s biennial Congressional elections underlines an iron law of American politics. The electorate dislikes concentration of power in the hands of any individual or institution. After delivering a spectacular victory in the presidential elections to George Bush just two years ago and endorsing one party rule in Washington, the American people have now offered a corrective. They have handed over the House of Representatives to the Democrats for the first time in 12 years. The Republican dominance over the Senate too appears to be at risk. The Democrats have also wrested back governorships from such swing states as Ohio.
But this big shift in the American political landscape should not be interpreted as a tilt to the left. Many winning Democrats tend to be conservative. The message from the electorate is simple: extremists on both flanks are not welcome. There is no denying the fact that the Bush administration8217;s failure in Iraq has cost the Republicans dear. But the re-election of Senator Joseph Lieberman, a hawk on Iraq, has a story to tell. Lieberman, Democratic Party8217;s vice presidential candidate in 2000, was denied a ticket by the liberal wing of the party on the grounds that he was a president8217;s clone on Iraq. The mandate from the voters is for a credible plan on Iraq and a dignified exit strategy.
Republicans were also undone by scandal and corruption. While reacting against Republican arrogance of power, the American voter wants the Democrats to take political responsibility for decisions on issues ranging from Iraq to immigration. Despite his reputation as a polarising figure, Bush has the experience of working with the Democrats when he was governor in Texas. In the last few weeks, the Indian view of the US elections has been too narrowly focused on the imagined consequences of a Democratic victory for bilateral relations. In seeking support for the July 2005 nuclear deal, India has already learnt one big lesson 8212; very little can be achieved in the US Congress without bipartisan support. The return of Washington to the norm of a divided government, then, is unlikely to make a fundamental difference to the future of the nuclear deal, which will pass the US Congress only when all the forces are aboard.