Crying out for social justice

Popular perception identifies the agricultural worker as being male even though India is witnessing a growing trend of the feminisation of the agricultural work force. Landlords who increase their profits through the exploitation of cheap female labour have a strong vested interest in maintaining the myth of women8217;s productive work being supplementary. Women8217;s primary role according to this approach is as reproducer of children and in family care.

In politics this myth helps the denial of equal representation for women. In the economic sphere it is justification for lower wages. This session of Parliament, in which both Bills are to be passed, provides the opportunity to explode the myth and accord recognition to women8217;s political and economic rights.

In 1991, according to underestimated census figures, there were over 28 million women workers in agriculture. A combination of factors intrinsic to current export driven agricultural policies have led to increasing unemployment. These include increased mechanisation of agricultural operations, officially encouraged switchovers from foodgrain cultivation to cash crop cultivation which usually generate fewer workdays, the cutback in budgetary allocations for rural work schemes. With no land distribution worth the name, there is increased male migration. It is within this framework that the trend of a larger number of women joining the agricultural work force as compared to men, has been further accelerated.

Women do almost all the work done by men. However in almost all states, with the exception of West Bengal and Kerala, their wages are about 75 per cent to 100 per cent lower than men. This is becoming the most important source for landlords to increase profits. For example, an Andhra Pradesh study by the Agricultural Workers Union found that in areas of Guntur district women who have been newly introduced to some types of work in tobacco plantations are paid Rs 30 for ten hours work while men are paid Rs 50.

What about the question of land distribution and house sites? The Sixth Plan promise of joint pattas in distributedland remains a mockery since at present land reforms are taking place in the reverse. Far from taking over land held over the ceiling and distributing it to the landless, moves are being made to lift the ceiling. In the Orissa State Assembly it was reported that 21.28 lakh acres of government land has been illegally taken over for aquaculture farms.

Issues of water supply and public latrines go beyond welfarist approaches. Today the lack of these facilities has become an instrument for landlords. Because of continuing caste discrimination, segregated dalit areas in the village often have no water supplies. Dalit women are forced to go to upper caste houses or areas for water, to face humiliation or demands for free labour in exchange for a pot of water. A Rajasthan survey found over 8,000 dalit rural bastis where there is not a single source of water supply.On the Women8217;s Reservation Bill the battle lines have been drawn. With the honourable exception of the Left parties, all other parties have spoken in two voices. On the Agricultural Workers Bill, other than the Left, political parties are yet to make clear their support. Representatives of the rural rich have succeeded in stalling such a Bill for the last two decades.But of particular interest will be the stand of those who have obstructed the Women8217;s Resevation Bill in the name of social justice. Unfortunately the position of agricultural workers in the States where they have run Governments, like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, is as bad, if not worse, as in other States. If the voices of dalit agricultural women have not been heard by them, could it be because in many places the 8220;creamy layer8221; of those they claim to represent are now powerful landowners exploiting those most in need of justice?