Choiceless Centre

There was never any doubt the Union Cabinet would conclude that 1953-style autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir was out of the question. The clock cannot be put back and neither India nor Jamp;K will benefit from the extreme form of autonomy proposed. Despite the strong negative feeling expressed in the Jamp;K Assembly, it was right to consider and dispose of the matter at an early date, instead of letting hopes and fears build up. The unanimity of the rejection shows there is clarity in the Vajpayee government at least on the point that this particular form of autonomy is unacceptable. The country, by and large, would agree. No major political party supports the June 26 resolution; those politicians in Punjab and Tamil Nadu who do are essentially interested in churning up politics in their own states. But what happens next is crucially important for the political management of the state.

Farooq Abdullah has put his neck on the block, so to speak, by pushing through the autonomy resolution, ostensibly to meet his 1996 election promise to the people of the state. Now his credibility depends on it and he has no choice but to continue to press for it. Indeed, it is certain that autonomy will be the dominant issue on which the next elections, one year from now, will be fought. It is notable that Abdullah and his minister for information have until now spoken the language of moderation, urging a country-wide debate and saying they are prepared to be persuaded to a different point of view. But the National Conference also talks in two voices. In Srinagar, it talks about the 1953-style autonomy. Outside the Valley, it insists it is flexible and realistic. Abdullah indicates, for example, he will accept amendments to the State Autonomy Commission8217;s recommendations with respect to the Supreme Court8217;s jurisdiction. These are mixed messages. But the Centre should be mindful at all times of the need toshore up the moderate position.

The Centre8217;s best course is to channel these events into a positive direction. One way is to set in motion a debate on the pros and cons and desirable degrees of greater political autonomy. Hurriyat leaders and insurgent groups should be involved in one way or another with the debate. The whole country would doubtless benefit from the process. But immediately, the Prime Minister needs to talk to the people of Jamp;K. There are all sorts of apprehensions and there is a great deal of scepticism and suspicion about politicians. Confusion is growing. It is a good time to reassure the people. He should say he is aware of their aspirations, he is aware, moreover, that state autonomy has been curtailed in the past for political reasons and at present because of the stepped-up battle against terrorism. He should say he intends in collaboration with his National Democratic Alliance ally, the National Conference, to do his best to see living conditions and the local administration are improved. Finally, he should assurethem he will study seriously what greater measure of political autonomy consistent with national security can be provided to the state. Will Vajpayee8217;s own party allow him to make these necessary statements?