Even by Jammu and Kashmir standards, this is an alarming turn in the battle against militancy. For the first time in 15 years, investigations into fidayeen attacks in the state are increasingly pointing at the involvement of elected representatives and influential members of mainstream political parties, enjoying State protection as well as unfettered access to high-security zones and installations, and apparently using it to militants8217; advantage.
While mainstream political groups have been flirting with militancy since the pro-independence Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front began a violent revolt in 1990, the involvement has never been this intense or at this level.
The most recent example of this nexus was last Saturday8217;s arrest of PDP Councillor Wahid Dar. Police believe Dar, who had unfettered access to former chief minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed8217;s official residence he was an old-time party worker and his brother worked with Muftis as a help, is believed to be part of a major Lashkar module in Srinagar along with a Congress politician. Dar is suspected to have planned two unsuccessful assasination attempts on Mufti, one of which was during his Independence Day speech at Bakhshi Stadium last year. Mufti escaped because Dar reportedly wasn8217;t able to smuggle his fidayeens into the stadium.
Just two months ago, police had unearthed links of two youth leaders, belonging to the National Conference and Congress, with a major militant network believed to be behind eight suicide attacks in the Valley. One of these attacks was targeted at Prime Minister Manmohan Singh8217;s rally here on November 17, 2004. The other was the shocking assassination of Junior Education Minister Ghulam Nabi Lone on October 18, 2005, in the high-security Tulsibagh Colony.
The reason for the politics-militancy overlap in the state is not hard to find. At the start of the militancy, mainstream politicians found it hard to stay relevant in the state8217;s political discourse. The threat to their lives also silenced many, forcing some to flee the Valley and Kashmir-centric parties like the National Conference to even abandon their base. Those who didn8217;t leave issued advertisements distancing themselves from mainstream parties or joined the separatist movement.
By 1996, the security agencies had managed to get an upper hand against militants and the first post-militancy assembly polls were held in Kashmir. Several mainstream parties returned to the Valley at the time, including the NC. However, the political vacuum had allowed the growth of regional political forces who looked for a middle ground between separatist and mainstream extremes.
Meanwhile, the mainstream parties8212;especially at the block, tehsil and district levels8212;found the only way they could function was by entering into unspoken agreements with militants locally, in a 8216;8216;live and let live8217;8217; policy.
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On the other hand, some mainstream politicians found safety in the other side: becoming a part of the security forces8217; counter-insurgency psy-ops. But most of the times, this alliance only helped further the vested interests of few top security and army officers.
When the 2002 elections approached, many of these mainstream parties made reconciliation and peace gestures towards militants the central theme of their campaigns. Now militants were addressed as 8216;8216;boys with guns8217;8217;, 8216;8216;our brothers who live in jungles8217;8217;, or at best, 8216;8216;enemies of peace8217;8217;.
It was an open secret that militant commanders had actively helped several legislators win8212;including one of the biggest beneficiaries, current Agriculture Minister Abdul Aziz Zargar. During investigations into the Akshardham attack in September 2002, police traced links of the attackers to him. It was said that the attack was planned at Zargar8217;s south Kashmir residence.
Others pointed to the nine attacks made by militants at the residence and public gatherings of Zargar8217;s rival from Noorabad constituency, National Conference leader Sakina Yatoo, during the assembly elections, forcing her to stay inside her house. Zargar obviously won. While he resigned following the Akshardham attack revelations, he returned as soon as the dust settled. Nobody has talked about the case ever since.
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Another well-known case was of the 8216;8216;surrender8217;8217; of 27 men with weapons before then Corps Commander of Army8217;s 16 Corps Lt Gen Ashok Kapoor and Director General of J-K Police Gopal Sharma at Nagrota army base on November 9, 2004. A few weeks later when the identity of these men was exposed, they turned out to be farmers from the villages of Chrar-e-Sharief who had been lured to New Delhi for a Congress Kisan rally by local Congress leaders, promising them a meeting with Sonia Gandhi and government jobs.
When police investigated this fake surrender, they found that the villagers had not been taken to New Delhi for a political rally but had been handed over to the Army, which had kept them at the Udhampur army base for almost six months threatening them to cooperate.
Police revealed the involvement of the Congress8217;s Budgam office-bearer, Mohammad Maqbool, and activist Bashir Ahmad Golu, but it was the name of the kingpin that shocked many: Nazir Ahmad, the brother-in-law of J-K PCC chief Peerzada Mohammad Sayeed. The whole exercise was apparently to help a senior officer add another feather to his cap. Police registered a case and the Congress leaders were arrested but only to be released soon under severe political pressure. Nobody has talked about this case too ever since.
Police say the first ever case of this unholy alliance was the planting of a bomb in the office of then J-K DGP J N Saxena in January 1992. Investigations revealed that Ghulam Qadir, driver of the then SSP, had smuggled the bomb inside the office.
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The other big infiltration into the ranks of the security agencies was when militants used a few local policemen to assasinate former J-K junior home minister Mushtaq Ahmad Lone during the 2002 elections.
In November 2005, investigations into an attempted bank robbery had led police to Shabir Ahmad Bukhari and Nazir Ahmad Sofi, members of youth wings of the National Conference and Congress, operating from a high-security official accommodation. They were said to be main conduits for the militant network directly responsible for eight major suicide strikes in the Valley, and are believed to have secured permission allowing militants access to sensitive government and security buildings as well as protected colonies for politicians, ministers and bureaucrats.
Apart from targeting Manmohan Singh8217;s rally and killing Ghulam Nabi Lone, this network is believed to have hurled the grenade at former deputy chief minister Mangat Ram Sharma8217;s rally last year, fired at minister Syed Bashir8217;s car at Lal Chowk at few months ago, as well as executed the attacks on Bombay Gujarat Hotel at Lal Chowk, CRPF camps at Firdous Cinema and Nigeen Club in downtown Srinagar.
Both the Congress and the National Conference have been quick to disassociate themsleves from the two leaders, expressing ignorance about their activities.
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Just 10 days ago, an elected muicipal councillor from Sopore, Arshad Badroo, was picked up by police in Mumbai for links with Laskhar. The councillor had also been working as a source for a security force unit and his involvement with the Lashkar was seen in that context.
As it investigates more attacks, the J-K police believe there are lots of such surprises ahead.
To be continued PART II-Squandering their vote
Mail the author at muzamiljaleelyahoo.com
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