All for a nice treaty in Nice

Six years after World War II, this coming together of European neighbours was far from obvious. As the nub of the problem lay in relations between France and Germany, Monnet suggested to Schuman and Konrad Adenauer, then Chancellor of the German Federal Republic, to have their two countries share a common interest and gather other European nations around it. The idea was to integrate Germany on both political and economic fronts into a solidly structured European community as leaving it completely independent would still be a potential threat to peace.

8220;The pooling together of the production of iron and steel,8221; Schuman declared, 8220;will immediately ensure the establishment of common bases for economic development, the first stage of the European federation, and will change the destiny of these regions which for a long time, were devoted to manufacturing war weapons of which they were the most constant victims. The solidarity of production which will thus be established will show that any war between France and Germany becomes not only unthinkable, but materially impossible.8221;

Another 50 years and destinies have truly changed. The Cold War is dead. Germany is one. And the European Union is more of a thriving reality than ever before. So early this month when President Jacques Chirac unveiled his vision of a united Europe as he took over from Portugal to usher in the six-month-long French presidency of the Union, it was amply clear that the nation of gastronomy wasn8217;t aiming for headline-grabbing dramatic announcements.

Chirac8217;s vision was pragmatic. He said that if the bloc was to be enlarged with the inclusion of nations from Eastern Europe, EU8217;s institutions must be reformed to be able to handle a membership of say 30 as opposed to the current 15. 8220;The objective is not to entrench divisions between Europeans. It is to introduce more flexibility in the workings of an enlarged Union,8221; he declared at the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

France, he said, would accelerate negotiations with the 13 nations that have applied for membership. Front-runners, including Poland, Hungary and the Cyprus, hope to become members in the next two to three years. No wonder the focus of France will have to be institutional reform as without streamlining decision-making, the EU runs the risk of being paralysed when it nearly doubles in size.

One measure under consideration would scrap the current arrangement under which EU decisions have to be unanimous and instead use a majority vote on all but the most vital issues. Another proposal would change the ways seats are allocated on the influential 20-member EU Commission, the union8217;s executive board. France wants to ensure Europe8217;s big countries continue to have a major say in EU affairs. It wants to restrict the use of the veto, where one country can block an issue favoured by the rest.

And ultimately France wants to wrap up a package of internal EU reforms at a December summit in its southern city of Nice. 8220;A nice treaty in Nice,8221; is how Chirac put it.

This apart, France wants to build its presidency around the three main objectives of envisioning a Europe that: delivers on growth and full employment, is closer to its people, is stronger and more effective. That means an ambitious social agenda centred around a high level of social protection and an employment policy which takes into account structural changes in industry. A strong boost to information technology is on the cards while safeguarding social cohesion in the face of the threat of a 8220;digital divide8221; and of course a serious effort at building a European citizen who will acquire the shared cultural references, making him aware of the strengths in European diversity. On commerce and economics, the idea is to strengthen the role of Euro-II, given that the Euro8217;s exchange rate is far from satisfactory even though it has achieved its purpose of sheltering Europe from monetary turbulence. And despite some well-known reluctance, France will forge ahead with moves to harmonise tax structure.

But a number of crucial issues remain that threaten to saddle France with just what it wishes to avoid 8211; controversy. Topping the list of headaches is the Austria tangle and the raging debate whether to keep EU sanctions against Vienna for allowing Jorg Haider8217;s far right Freedom Party into government. One reason for making an example of the country that was the setting for The Sound of Music is that far-right parties are nipping at the heels of mainstream ones in other EU countries, notably Belgium, Germany, Italy and even France.

Matters have been compounded with Austria8217;s coalition parties agreeing to hold a non-binding referendum on the sanctions this autumn. Then there was German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer8217;s proposal in May asking nations to look beyond tinkering with EU institutions and look to the creation of a European federal government with a constitution. That unsettled Europe8217;s political elite, as did Chirac8217;s own proposal of creating a 8220;pioneer group8221; wherein a smaller group of participating nations makes the decisions.

For France then its work for the next six months is cut out. The challenge will be to balance the pressing need for institutional reform with the social agenda that will help bring the unity endeavour closer to the people. EU enlargement raises weighty questions. How to make a 30-member Union really workable? Can an enlarged, and inevitably more heterogeneous, body have a consistent, economic and social policy? How to ensure that the enlarged Union does not merely become a free trade area, but continues to be a genuine community? France will have to breathe life into all these issues and do so by continuing to safeguard the unique combination of shared sovereignty and respect for the identity of individual states, which has made this effort so original and critical.

TOMORROW: The Asia Europe wants to see.

Readers can send feedback to focusexpressindiacom.